Characters / TNO Southern Europe

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Hungary

Kingdom of Hungary

Official Name: Kingdom of Hungary, Hungarian Republic (Republic), Hungarian Workers' State (Arrow Cross coup)

Ruling Party: Magyar Élet Pártja^note Party of Hungarian Life

Ideology: Fascism

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• Ambiguous Situation: The Hungarian fascists can retain power, but they cannot stop Imrédy from passing away eventually. Many on the streets mourn his death, but it is left unclear how many are doing so out of coercion.
• Back from the Brink: Invoked in "The Broken Yoke of Trianon" national spirit. The Hungarian government describes the Treaty of Trianon as a shameful part of their history, which tore the nation apart and scattered its people. With Hungary's recent land gains, the Hungarian government now prides that they have recovered from their decay and returned to a golden era of prosperity.
• Bystander Syndrome: The Arrow Cross coup can only succeed if the armed forces stand by and do not intervene.
• Les Collaborateurs:
  • The Volksbund der Deutschen is a faction of ethnic Germans who are unapologetically subservient to their home country rather than Hungary. As such, they are reviled amongst the general Hungarian population and ethnic tensions have resulted from the conflict.
  • Jaross' faction of the MEP are ardently pro-German and give them slavish praise in exchange for their support.
• Laser-Guided Karma: By siding with the Germans in World War II and tying their economy to the Pakt, Hungary is paying the consequences after the economic crash in the 1950s, leading to the monopolization of their economy by German corporations and facing subjugation.
• The Purge: If the Arrow Cross coup is thwarted by the military, the entire political party is purged throughout the country for the chaos they've created, with many of their members are arrested or shot.
• Regent for Life: For decades, Hungary has nominally been a kingdom, but has been ruled by Regents because no one knows who should be the king.
• La Résistance: Rumanian nationalist insurgents plague Northern Transylvania, waging a guerrilla war against the Hungarian government when the West Russian War began. Rumania, despite being in the same alliance as Hungary, has been backing these groups since the days of Ion Antonescu and outwardly denies any accusations of such.
• Richard Nixon, the Used Car Salesman: Lajos Kresztes-Fischer was OTL a Hungarian soldier and general who fought in both world wars, along with various roles in military staff. In TNO, he has since retired after the war, but can be called up to serve as interim Prime Minister if the electoral reforms pass.
• State Sec: The Arrow Cross Party make use of armed death squads to enable their coup, fight members of the armed forces, and murder their opponents and suspected "Judeo-Bolsheviks".
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork:
  • Hungary's ownership of Northern Transylvania makes it a rival with Rumania, despite both countries being in the Pakt. Rumania has repeatedly tried to arm Rumanian nationalists in the territory to win it back, first during the West Russian War and then in 1969. As the two countries bicker, Germany has to mediate the conflict between its two allies.
  • The Magyar Élet Pártja is a diverse faction filled with fascists, conservatives, monarchists, and nationalists who were unified by the charismatic Horthy. Ever since his death, internal conflicts have begun flaring up between these groups.
  • Regent István Horthy and Prime Minister Béla Imrédy have been engaged in a power struggle for multiple years, but ultimately unable to break the stalemate against one another. This culminates in an attempted electoral reform package by Horthy in November 1963 which aims to liberalize electoral laws and push fascists out of the cabinet. Meanwhile, Imrédy plots to merge the MEP and MMP to unite against Horthy. The success or failure of this will determine the victor of the power struggle and subsequently the fate of Hungary.
  • The 1967 elections can empower a national conservative supercoalition, led by the Hungarian Independence Party. However, the alliance is made up by a bunch of smaller parties who disagree with each other and can only come up with a compromise candidate in Ghyczy.
• Won the War, Lost the Peace: Hungary joined the victorious Axis Powers, but has since become a fascist dictatorship only kept in power through Germany's support. As a result, the next generation of Hungarians are demanding for the institution of a democracy and the government needs to find a way to suppress these calls. Meanwhile, Hungary's triumphant reclamation of Northern Transylvania has proved a thorn in their side with Rumania's funding of pro-Rumanian insurgent cells and the German minority who are heavily favored by the Reich and complicate the tensions.

István Horthy

Role: Regent of Hungary^note Head of State

Party: Magyar Élet Pártja^note Party of Hungarian Life (puppet), Horthy Government (actual)

Ideology: Fascism (puppet), Interim Government^note Despotism (actual)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Miklós Horthy was once considered a great man, but his son can not even claim this. He is only a hated puppet who is seen as too socialist by fascists, too fascist by liberals, and too liberal by the aristocrats. He is trapped and alone, consumed by shame and regret.

István Horthy was once just a simple engineer, toiling away for the good of his nation. When he once had conviction, he fought for his beloved country and publicly criticized the Nazi regime, expressing his sickness at the treatment of the Jewish people. Once he was made co-regent, all this began to slip away. The popularity he first won as the "small regent" slipped away once pro-German fascists began to occupy political institutions, leaving both regents weak and undermined.

By the time his dear father passed and he alone took the mantle of regent, the damage inflicted upon Hungary had been far too severe; he could only mourn for the nation. His government is controlled by his nominal junior, Prime Minister Bela Imredy, who has packed it with his German-aligned cronies. Now, István can only watch in horror and wait for his moment to save Hungary, a Herculean task, but he will die trying to accomplish it.

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• Contempt Crossfire: Fascists think he's too socialist, liberals think he's too fascist, and aristocrats think he's too liberal. Horthy can't win anyone to his side.
• Defiant to the End: If the electoral reform package fails, Horthy will prepare a coup in early 1964 with his military allies, knowing that Imrédy is already planning to dispose of him. Horthy's efforts will never succeed, but they are one last act of defiance before he is ousted.
• Gameplay and Story Integration: After dismissing Imrédy, Horthy will organize democratic elections and give up most of his power, delegating the task of running the country to an elected Prime Minister. As such, his ideology will change according to which Prime Minister is in power.
• Gilded Cage: When Imrédy counters his coup attempt, Horthy goes missing, but it is said that he is imprisoned within his own palace.
• Inadequate Inheritor: István is unfavorably compared to his father Miklós, hated by nearly all sides in Hungary. However, if Horthy can fire Imrédy and restore democracy, many will begin perceiving him more favorably.
• Necessarily Evil: If the civilian government cannot quell the unrest during the democratization period, Horthy will cave to military pressure and invite them into the government, appointing Baley Szilard as his Prime Minister and putting the transition on hold. However, it may be necessary to avert an Arrow Cross coup and then resume democratization.
• Punch-Clock Villain: Despite being the face of their regime, Horthy isn't personally a fascist. He publicly criticized the Nazi regime and especially took ire with their anti-Semitic policies, but these calls were silenced as the monarchy lost their power to pro-German fascists. He is aghast by how the fascists have desecrated his country and thrice tries to move against Imrédy.
• The Puppet Cuts His Strings: Horthy can break free from Imrédy's grasp if his electoral reforms pass, enabling the King to dismiss Imrédy, end the coalition with the MMP, and begin the process of democratization.
• Puppet King: Prime Minister Imrédy is really the one in charge and Horthy can do little about it. However, Horthy tries to subvert this status, first with an electoral reform package and, if that fails, an attempted coup.
• Regent for Life: Like his father Miklós before him, István Horthy holds the title of regent as head of state of the Kingdom of Hungary, which has had no king since the end of World War I.
• Serendipitous Survival: By sheer luck, unlike OTL, István was never killed in a plane crash in Russia, and subsequently was able to succeed his father as Regent after his death.
• Velvet Revolution: Subverted. Despite Horthy's hopes that electoral reforms would pave a smooth restoration to democracy, riots break out in September 1965, as conflicting parties and anti-democratic loyalists clash on the streets and attacks against minority groups become more frequency. Whether or not the civilian administration can restore order with or without military assistance poses a significant challenge to the democratization efforts and failing to do so will open the door for an Arrow Cross Party coup. Military intervention also puts a temporary hold to the democratization efforts. But, surmounting these challenges will not only strengthen the civilian government, but ensure a transition to Hungary's first free elections in May 1967.

Béla Imrédy

Role: Prime Minister of Hungary^note Head of Government (Horthy cabinet), Regent of Hungary^note Head of State (Horthy ousted)

Party: Magyar Élet Pártja - Imrédy Wing^note Party of Hungarian Life, Magyar Élet Pártja - Szeged Fascists^note Party of Hungarian Life (Reforms failed), Magyar Élet Pártja - Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Párt^note Party of Hungarian Life - Hungarian National Socialist Party (German-backing)

Ideology: Fascism, National Socialism (German-backing)

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• Les Collaborateurs: Imrédy can rely on German help to prop up his regime in exchange for giving them exclusive benefits, like recruitment into the Hungarian Waffen-SS and deepening Germany's dominance in the Hungarian economy.
• Enemy Mine:
  • He plots to merge the two ruling parties, the MEP and MMP, into a single entity, uniting their shared dream for a fascist Hungary and killing any chance for Horthy to overturn it.
  • Imrédy can kill Horthy's support in the military by allying with Germany, sending a garrison to protect his regime and recruiting the Hungarian Waffen-SS, even though this means aligning Hungary more closely to German National Socialism than Hungarian Fascism.
• Evil Chancellor: Was this during Miklós Horthy's reign. During his time as prime minister, he suppressed potential rivals, pushed for more totalitarian reforms, restricted freedom of press and culture, and passed harsh antisemitic legislation, all in an effort to become a more loyal German ally. This backfired greatly.
• Karma Houdini Warranty: After spending years of running an antisemitic, far-right dictatorship and avoiding any consequences in an Axis victory, Imrédy can finally get some punishment if Horthy's electoral reform package passes and enables him to fire Imrédy for good.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: If Horthy's electoral reform package fails, Imrédy takes advantage of this newfound weakness, pushing a merge of the MEP and MMP into a single party and securing all the support he needs to cement the fascists' rule and defeat Horthy.
• Life Will Kill You: No matter the outcome of the power struggle, Imrédy will always pass away of old age in November 1966. If he is in power, his successor will depend on whether he relied on German aid to dismantle Horthy's coup attempt.
• Man Behind the Man: Horthy is formally the head of state, but Imrédy is the one turning Hungary into a far-right state. Horthy is well-aware of this and uses what little power he has left to break free from Imrédy's influence, which can succeed if the electoral reforms pass and Imrédy can be dismissed.
• The Purge: When Horthy attempts to gather allies in the military, Imrédy can reject German help and purge it of any dissidents himself, securing Hungary's future into a fascist dictatorship.
• Tyrant Takes the Helm: If Horthy's electoral package is rejected and his coup attempt crushed, Imrédy will formally fuse the office of Prime Minister with the position of Regent, turning himself into Hungary's absolute dictator.

László Bárdossy

Role: Regent of Hungary^note Head of State (Independent Imrédy succession)

Party: Magyar Élet Pártja - Szeged Fascists^note Party of Hungarian Life

Ideology: Fascism

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• History Repeats: Bárdossy was Prime Minister of Hungary from 1941-1942, but once again resumes the position when an empowered Imrédy passes away.
• Meet the New Boss: Much as he talks about pulling back on some of Imrédy's excesses, most observers comment that he'll continue the status quo of a Hungarian fascist regime.
• Pragmatic Villainy: Bárdossy promises to avert some of Imrédy's most overt actions because they weren't good for winning the people's affections. Instead, he calls for a return to the stable Horthy era.
• Villain with Good Publicity: He's even more popular than Imrédy, despite being a fascist.

Andor Jaross

Role: Minister of Foreign Affairs^note Foreign Minister (Horthy cabinet), Regent of Hungary^note Head of State (German-backed Imrédy succession)

Party: Magyar Élet Pártja - Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Párt^note Party of Hungarian Life - Hungarian National Socialist Party

Ideology: National Socialism

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• Meet the New Boss: Just as Imrédy starts cowing to pro-German policies, Jaross promises to keep up this diplomatic favoritism to the Reich.
• Professional Butt-Kisser: His first speech offers sycophantic praise for his Germany and gratitude for their "generosity", no doubt due to the fact that they backed his rise to power.

Jenő Ghyczy

Role: Prime Minister of Hungary^note Head of Government (Supercoalition Horthy cabinet)

Party: MEP-MFP-FKgP-PSZ-SZDP

Ideology: Dominant-Party Democracy^note Paternalism

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• Golden Mean Fallacy: In the midst of the first free elections in 1967, the myriad political parties of a supercoalition can't decide on a candidate, so they settle on Ghyczy. He's deemed an adequate compromise for everyone and a good choice to pursue national economic independence, but his moderation on social reforms makes him disappointing for those who want more liberalization.

Ferenc Nagy

Role: Prime Minister of Hungary^note Head of Government (Conservative coalition Horthy cabinet)

Party: Független Kisgazdapárt^note Independent Smallholders' Party

Ideology: Agrarianism^note Conservatism

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• Loved by All: Many celebrate his election, particularly by the peasants who love his focus on the countryside and willingness to combat aristocratic and German influence.

Géza Teleki

Role: Prime Minister of Hungary^note Head of Government (Liberal coalition Horthy cabinet)

Party: Polgári Szabadságpárt^note Civic Freedom Party

Ideology: National Liberalism^note Liberalism

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• Know When to Fold 'Em: Downplayed. While focused on combatting Germany's influence in Hungary, Teleki acknowledges that this may be a difficult balancing act with a simultaneous liberalization of the country, so he is willing to put the former as a second priority.
• Like Father, Like Son: Teleki can become Prime Minister, just like his father before him.
• Loved by All: Between his focus on advancing civil liberties and combatting Germany's influence, Teleki is hailed throughout Hungary as a hero.

Ferenc Szálasi

Role: Nemzetvezető^note Head of State (Arrow Cross coup)

Party: Nyilaskeresztes Párt^note Arrow Cross Party

Ideology: National Socialism

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• The Coup: If the military is allowed to manage the election, Szálasi and the Arrow Cross will storm the capital and attempt to coup the fledgling democracy. So long as the military don't intervene, Szálasi will be successful, flying their party's flag across the captured administrative buildings and playing nationalist songs on the radio.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: When Horthy brings in the military to support the democratization efforts, Szálasi senses this as a moment of weakness and organizes a coup attempt on October 1965.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: Szálasi follows a brand of Natioanl Socialism adapted to Hungary's situation. It is not only incredibly antisemitic, but follows more idiosyncratic beliefs like Turanist historiography, a proclamation of a worker's state, and a focus on agrarian corporatism and Catholicism.
• The Purge: After seizing power, Szálasi starts unleashing Arrow Cross death squads to violently murder opposition across the country.

Rumania

Kingdom of Rumania

Official Name: Kingdom of Rumania

Ruling Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc (Center)^note National Peasants' Party

Ideology: Agrarianism^note Conservatism

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• Allohistorical Allusion: Rumania's transition to democracy was made by the Rumanian National Committee, an OTL organization that opposed the Communist Party in Rumania. The organizations would even have some of the same participants across both timelines, such as the PNT.
• Benevolent Conspiracy: The Rumanian National Committee (CNR) was a secretive political coalition formed in 1955 to make a transition to democracy. Its movers were the King's circle, PNL-Tătărescu, PNT, and dissatisfied members of the elite and military.
• Blatant Lies: If Rumania tries to annex the Dniester Hills and Odesa from Transnistria, the referendums are expected to pass in the five counties of the former, but no one has anticipation that it will pass in Odesa, since Rumanians are still a minority within the city. Thus, most international observers know that the Odesa referendum being fair will be a lie and that electoral fraud will be employed for Rumania to grab the city.
• The Coup: Horia Sima and the infamous Legionary Movement used to serve Ion Antonescu, but quarreled heavily about Antonescu's idea of ruling a military dictatorship and subordinating the Legion. When Antonescu got sick of them and earned Hitler's support to crush them, the Legion attempted a three-day coup on the regime, until they were destroyed for good.
• Didn't Think This Through: Ion Antonescu invaded and annexed Transnistria in World War II. Unfortunately, he never considered the costs of such a venture, forcing Rumania to pour money and arms into a territory for no net benefit. Worst still, allying with the Axis Powers would alienate any potential trading partners outside of the Pakt, keeping the Rumanian economy dominated by Germany, despite their ideological differences.
• Enemy Mine: The PNL used to be divided between Fărcășanu and Tătărescu, but both would work together after Ion Antonescu's death, pressuring the King to restore democratic rule and joining the Rumanian National Committee together. Soon, the two factions would soon merge in the PNL reunification conference in 1962, even when Tătărescu passed away and his daughter, Sanda Tătărescu-Negropontes, needed to take his place.
• The Exile: After the formation of the National Legionary State, a number of PNȚ officials including Viorel V. Tilea and Ion Rațiu became political asylum seekers, first in London, and then in Canada after Operation Sea Lion, only returning to Rumania after the collapse of the Antonescu regime.
• The Famine: Rumania was rocked with a famine from 1946-1947^note The same one as the OTL Soviet famine of 1946-1947, which devastated the peasantry and even led to some cases of cannibalism in the war-torn areas of Bessarabia and Transnistria. The famine generated chaos and speculation which the Rumanian government struggled to handle. Token agrarian reforms were passed by Antonescu to calm the situation, but the crisis would forever taint Antonescu's image and force him to retire from domestic politics, signaling the end of military dominance in the country.
• Final Solution: Ion Antonescu's dictatorship participated in the Holocaust and was responsible for the deaths of 260,000 Jews.
• History Repeats:
  • The first post-war election in 1952 was troubled by electoral fraud that gave PNL-Brătianu a leg up over the opposition, repeating the same irregularities seen in the 1920's and early 1930's.
  • Zig-Zagged. In 1955, a great political clash happened between the peasantry and government, mirroring the 1907 revolt, where protests and strikes spread, and farmers refused to sell their produce tot he military. However, the 1955 revolt was not violently crushed like its predecessor because powerful figures, including the King, undermined such efforts. For instance, Antonescu tried to arrest some PNT politicians for their involvement with the peasants, but this was halted by Michael.
• Hoist by His Own Petard: King Carol II named Ion Antonescu as President of the Council of Ministers in an attempt to instill order, but was ousted himself a day later when Antonescu reached an agreement to have Michael placed on the throne.
• In Medias Res: The fight to restore Rumanian democracy has been a hard and gradual one since the suppressed elections in 1952 and the struggle is just about to conclude in the early months of 1962.
• Know When to Fold 'Em: Rumania will surrender Transnistria through a referendum that everyone expects to pass with a majority, restoring native rule through either the Pridnestrovian Republic or the Dniester and Bug Administration, depending on who was elected in the aftermath of the Odesa hostage crisis. Alternatively, if Radu Câmpeanu is elected, Transnistria will be instead handed over to the Germans in the area.
  The Romanian people will never consent to the continuation of the struggle beyond our national border. —Dinu Brătianu and Iuliu Maniu
• Landslide Election: The 1960 general election granted a super-majority for the PNT, having earned fame among the peasants for their agrarian reforms and democratization efforts.
• Leonine Contract: The Second World War severely damaged Rumania's economy, as companies struggled to export or import materials. Combined with investment declines, labor shortages in agriculture, and an economic redirection to militarization, Rumania was vulnerable to economic subordination. Thus, the March 1939 and May 1940 economic treaties with Germany put Rumania in raw deals that they couldn't deny, as various native companies were taken over in the former agreement and Germany took precedence in the export of oil and petroleum in the latter agreement. The second treaty was especially humiliating because oil was exchanged for military equipment, which were sold at pre-war prices that are no longer reflected in the heightened oil prices. Even though the treaties expired in 1962, Rumania is still forced to give up resources to Germany and cannot escape the arrangement because their Pakt membership limits potential trade partners.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: While the 50's economic crash affected Rumania severely, many of the war-time treaties with Germany expired at this time, allowing the government to take over some German-owned businesses and economically recover from World War II.
• The Migration: Due to the 1946-1947 famine, many Romanians relocated to areas that were less affected or at least had grain to find. This was encouraged by teh government rying to move children from Bessarabia to others regions that were still viable.
• Posthumous Character: Iuliu Maniu is a major figure in Rumania's history as leader of the PNT and head of state after the 1956 elections. However, he would die a few months later in January 1957.
• Pyrrhic Victory:
  • As a member of the Axis in the Second World War, Rumania reaped benefits for being on the victorious side. However, in the decades since, much of these gains have come to haunt Rumania. Particularly, the annexed territories of Transnistria have come to be a burden on Rumania with the government having to spend significant monetary and military efforts to secure the region for little gain. Being a German ally has also caused the country to suffer from a lack of trading partners beyond the Pakt, along with German domination of the Rumanian economy and their seizure of Rumanian resources that could be used for reconstruction efforts. There are also lingering tensions over having given away Northern Transylvania in the Second Vienna Award, with many awaiting a time to reclaim the land from Hungary.
  • During Operation Barbarossa, Rumania recaptured Bukovina and Bessarabia in July 1941, which was popularly seen as a major victory. However, the continuation of combat on the Eastern Front, particularly in Transnistria, wore on the soldiers' morale and the public began to regret getting involved. This was made worse by the mass casualties Rumania suffered while besieging Odesa.
• The Remnant: There are some surviving members of the infamous Iron Guard, but they are practically irrelevant. They are either minor members in the PNT, relatively apolitical terrorists fighting Hungary in Northern Transylvania, or part of the Salo group by Constantin Papanace.
• A Scar to Remember: A figurative, geopolitical example in the "Scars of Vienna" national spirit, regarding the Hungarian annexation of Northern Transylvania after the Vienna Diktat. Rumanian nationalists have never forgotten or forgiven Hungary for claiming a land they pride over in the Rumanian constitution, eagerly awaiting a chance to take it back by backing Rumanian insurgents in the late 1960's.
• Short-Lived Leadership: Gheorghe Brătianu's time leading Rumania only lasted from April 1956 to June 1956, as he was pressured by the King, alongside the leaders of other parties and factions of the PNL, to open negotiations of further democratization. This, combined with several thousand strong peasant protests in Alba Iulia, led to the creation of a national government under the May Agreement, led by Gheorghe Avramescu and guaranteeing free and fair elections.
• Shown Their Work: As in OTL, Romania is known in this time period internationally under the name of "Rumania". It was only in 1970 OTL that the English exonym was changed to "Romania".
• Small Role, Big Impact: While Gheorghe Avramescu only led for a few months in 1956, his tenure saw the implementation of new electoral laws, the abolishment of the 40% premium, and the implementation of women's suffrage, making great strides to democratizing the nation.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Dinu Brătianu, who led the PNL after World War II, passed the position over to his nephew, Gheorghe, in 1951, where he would cooperate with Mihai Antonescu and restore the Rumanian constitution, even when the elections were rigged.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork:
  • When offered by Ion Antonescu to form a national government, the PNT and PNL insisted on preserving parliamentary rule, while the Legionary Movement supported Antonescu's ambition for an ethnonationalist regime. The resulting one-party "National Legionary State" instated Antonescu as the Legion's honorary leader and subordinated Sim and the other legionnaires as cabinet ministers, leading to constant infighting as the Legion hated their subordinate role. Eventually, Antonescu would crush the Legion with Germany's support.
  • Rumania has a tumultuous relationship with fellow Pakt member, Hungary, specifically bickering over the ownership of Northern Transylvania. When Mihai Antonescu took over and modernized the Rumanian army, the two nations fought over the territory in the 1950's, during the West Russian War, as the Rumanian government supported guerrilla movements within northern Transylvania. Domestic instability and the deployment of German soldiers on the border as a threat halted these plans, but Rumania hasn't given up yet. Inevitably, these tensions can flare up again in 1969, as Rumania starts a new wave of weapon smuggling to Rumanian nationalists within Hungary and gives them the means to launch more attacks. Hungary denounces this treachery and Rumania plausibly denies any involvement beyond expressed sympathy for the Rumanians living there, forcing Germany to act as a mediator in the situation.
• Villainous Legacy: Though Ion Antonescu's dictatorship was dismantled and a democracy was implemented in its place, the sins of the regime still persist into Mihalache's administration. The Danube-Black Sea canal remains unfinished and a detriment to the environment; the agrarian situation is still deteriorating; and the country's elite still hold too much power than they should. These problems inflict all sorts of debuffs on the country and it remains to be seen if they will be fixed.
• You Are in Command Now: After Maniu's death, Ionel Pop became the new President of the Council of Ministers, continuing the process of democratization and agrarian reforms as interim leader. His tenure lasted up to May 1958, where he was replaced by Coposu as another interim leader.
• You Have Outlived Your Usefulness: Transnistria is considered a burden by all Rumanian administrations, with few beyond the most aggressive nationalists even supporting its annexation in the first place. After the 1968 elections, each of the possible Rumanian Presidents of the Council of Ministers will have to address the Transnistria question.
  • Penescu or Fărcășanu will organize a referendum to join Rumania within the Dniester Hills and Odesa which will succeed, and the rest of Transnistria is reorganized into a self-governing autonomous administration.
  • If Rațiu won re-election or Zane was elected, then they will also organize a referendum, but it will only encompass the Dniester Hills, calming the settler population there, while the rest of Transnistria is reorganized into a native-led puppet state.
  • Câmpeanu organizes a full Rumanian withdrawal from Transnistria, with the whole region then falling under German military administration.

Mihai I

Role: King of Rumania

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• The Good King: Unlike other European monarchs like King Edward VIII in Britain, Michael I is a greatly loved figure in Rumania for his role in reinstituting democratic powers in the country.
• Royals Who Actually Do Something: Michael would become beloved throughout Rumania for his involvement in restoring democracy, such as cancelling the ordered arrests of PNT politicians during the 1955 protests. Michael also gave permission for Mihai Antonescu to start a border skirmish with Hungary over Northern Transylvania in 1956.
• Universally Beloved Leader: King Michael is the most beloved person in Rumania, bar none. Ever since he sabotaged Bratianu's premiership and restored free elections in the 1923 constitution, Michael is widely seen as the harbinger of democracy. Even now, the people still entrust Michael to defend the liberty he's brought to the country.

Ion Mihalache

Role: President of the Council of Ministers^note Head of State

Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc (Center)^note National Peasants' Party

Ideology: Agrarianism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Ion Mihalache, father of peasantism in Romania and a founder of the PNT, is one of those rare politicians that has threaded a political needle: though more left-wing than most of his party, he commands the respect both of that party-the PNT-and the entire Romanian nation. Politicians disregard him at their peril.

Fifty years ago Mihalache's career began in education. Beloved among his fellow teachers and the local clergy in his rural home region, he parlayed that popularity into a political association that emerged from Northern Muntenia to gain national appeal.

A perennial advocate for reform to benefit peasants and farmers, he survived the vicissitudes of dictatorship and war to become the most successful politician in Romania after Antonescu's hold at last failed. Presiding over the PNT's obtaining the largest majority in parliament in 32 years at the 1960 elections and uniting the left-wing of the PNT back into the party, he now leads a majority government with PSD backing.

But the hour is late, and Mihalache has begun to feel the age that everyone else has long seen. His hope these days is that whoever takes over from him can capitalise on what he has left behind for Romania and its people.

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• The Ace: With a long political record to his name, Mihalache is recognized as one of the most successful politicians in Rumania. His numerous accomplishments, including the PNȚ's gained majority in parliament for the first time in 32 years and his persuasion of the PNȚ's left-wing to rejoin the party.
• Feeling Their Age: Despite his illustrious career, Mihalache is starting to feel his old age and in desperate need of a successor to continue his work.
• Gameplay and Story Segregation: Mihalache's personal ideology is Left-Wing Agrarianism, but his in-game ideology is Agrarianism because the latter reflects the ideology of his political party.
• Internal Reformist: Mihalache helped his party work within the Antonescu dictatorship during World War II, advocating reforms that benefited the peasants and farmer (though personally, he refused to work with Antonescu - rejecting his offer to join the War Cabinet & becoming a leader of the de facto opposition. This ironically lead Antonescu to favor the more liberal, but more collaborative, PNL).
• Magnum Opus: One of Mihalache's last cats is to call a constitutional convention is to replace the 1923 constitution with a new one, better enshrining Rumania's democratic values.
• Self-Made Man: Mihalache started off as a beloved rural teacher who used that popularity to move into politics, eventually rising to national prominence and eventually leading Rumania.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes: Coming to power in late 1958, Mihalache reunified multiple left-wing PNT splinters back into the party in early 1959, as well as forming a coalition with the PSD.
• Universally Beloved Leader: Mihalache is beloved by the PNȚ and the entire nation, despite being considerably more left-wing than most of his party. Even when he was a teacher, he was admired by his colleagues and the local clergy, which allowed him to enter the political scene in Northern Muntenia and elevate to national fame.
• We Hardly Knew Ye: Mihalache will retire in June 1963, as his age catches up to him.

Nicolae Penescu

Role: Vice President of the Council of Ministers^note Head of Government (Mihalache cabinet), President of the Council of Ministers^note Head of State (Mihalache succession)

Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc (Center)^note National Peasants' Party

Ideology: Agrarianism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography (Vice President of the Council of Ministers) ^{Click to Show}Nicolae Penescu is a veteran agrarianist, in the spotlight ever since Mihai Antonescu legalized party politics in 1952. First becoming secretary general of the PNT, he would become a cabinet favorite of the Maniu, Pop, and Coposu premierships as Minister of Internal Affairs, eventually ascending to party president in 1958.

Nowadays, Penescu is a name whispered with reverence by PNT men. He serves the crucial role of Mihalache's second-in-command within the party, the prime representative of the centrist faction's needs and wants within the government. It is here where Penescu upholds the balance of the PNT/PSD coalition with his utmost vigour.

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• The Ace: Penescu is revered by his PNȚ colleagues, being a veteran agrarianist ever since party politics were legalized in 1952, as well as a favored cabinet member by Maniu, Pop and Coposu.
• Allohistorical Allusion: Penescu was historically assassinated by the communist regime in Rumania in our timeline while living in exile by a package bomb, with a similar fate possibly befalling him in the aftermath of the Odesa hostage crisis.
• Corrupt Politician: Penescu permits the use of electoral fraud to annex Odesa from the Transnistrian referendum, as every other county in the Dniester Valley accepts the annexation with a majority and Odesa is the only uncertain case of going against Rumanian interests.
• Dramatic Irony: After Penescu successfully defuses the Odesa hostage crisis, a brief bomb threat against him is made before nothing happens and everyone forgets it ever happened. Unknown to them, the threat was a lot more real than they realized and there is a chance that Penescu could have been killed.
• Foregone Victory: If the Odesa hostage crisis is defused and Penescu isn't killed, he is guaranteed to win the 1964 election. However, Penescu will not have such fortune in the 1968 election, where he can either be re-elected or lose to Radu Câmpeanu.
• It's All My Fault: If the Odesa crisis ends with the UPA executing the hostages, evidence will emerge that the Penescu-employed Nichita Smochina worked with Antonescu to fabricate evidence for Rumania to invade Transnistria. Penescu takes full responsibility for the scandal and resigns from office.
• Number Two: Penescu is the second-in-command to Mihalache, acting as the centrist faction's representative and upholding the balance of the PNȚ/PSD Coalition.
• Pyrrhic Victory: After rescuing the hostages in Odesa, Penescu may not enjoy his victory for long before someone in the UPA sends him a package bomb and potentially kills him.
• Resigned in Disgrace: The dual controversies of failing to resolve the Odesa hostage crisis and the Tiraspol Affair force Penescu to resign. These failures also lead to a disillusionment with the PNT among the Rumanian public and pave the way for Fărcășanu to win the 1964 election.
• Short-Lived Leadership: Penescu may end up serving a short role as Rumania's leader, if the hostages are not rescued in the Odesa crisis or he is assassinated by the UPA. Both of these scenarios occur in April 1964, meaning he held the position for less than a year.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Downplayed. While he does continue the legacy of Mihalache, he also takes the party in a significantly more conservative direction.
• You Are in Command Now: Penescu starts as Vice President of the Council of Ministers, but will rise to the organization's President once Mihalache retires in June 1963.
• You Got Murder: If the Odesa hostages are rescued, the UPA will attempt to assassinate Penescu with a package bomb. If it succeeds, Rațiu will take leadership of the PNT and win the 1964 election.

Viorel V. Tilea

Role: Minister of Foreign Affairs^note Foreign Minister (Mihalache cabinet)

Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc (Center)^note National Peasants' Party

Ideology: Agrarianism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography (Minister of Foreign Affairs) ^{Click to Show}Viorel V. Tilea is a grandmaster of diplomacy. After having impressed his superiors following his conduct representing his nation at the Paris Peace Conference, he was made an attache of the Romanian legation in London. Disgusted by the National Legionary State's formation, he resigned and requested political asylum in Britain.

Tilea soon became one of the leaders of a makeshift group of PNT exiles until he handed his place over to Ion Ratiu. After Operation Sealion, he evacuated to Canada, staying in exile until he could return to Romania after Antonescu's regime fell in 1956. Since then, he has been considered an almost permanent foreign minister, serving consistently since the Maniu cabinet.

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• The Ace: Tilea first rose to prominence by impressing his superiors at representing Rumania at the Paris Peace Conference after World War 1, becoming attaché of Rumanian legation in London shortly afterwards. Upon his return to Rumania, he has consistently held the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs across multiple governments.
• Resign in Protest: When the repulsively fascist National Legionary State was formed, Tilea, then an attaché of the Rumanian legation in London, resigned from this post and went into political asylum in Britain.
• Self-Imposed Exile: Tilea lived in political asylum in Britain when the National Legionary State was formed and he moved to Canada when Operation Sea Lion was carried out. He only returned to his home country when Antonescu's regime was toppled, now serving as foreign minister since the Maniu cabinet.

Gheorghe Zane

Role: Minister of Finance^note Economy Minister (Mihalache cabinet), Prime Minister^note Head of State (1968 election)

Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc (Left)^note National Peasants' Party, Partidul Național Țărănesc (Center) (Câmpeanu or Fărcășanu 1968 election)

Ideology: Left-Wing Agrarianism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography (Minister of Finance) ^{Click to Show}To those in the know within the PNT, Gheorghe Zane was a clear pick for such an important cabinet position. The economist and historian rose from poverty in the turn-of-the-century Galati to a flagship academic for Romania's political economy and financial literature. It was with these credentials that his appeal to the PNT's concerns over economic rationalism proved to be a winning formula.

This impressive background made his rise through the PNT very swift following his entry into politics, a rise only assisted by Corneliu Coposu's fondness for him. Now, Zane stands as one of the main flagbearers of the PNT's left wing, a figure of powerful influence when it comes to policy-making but also one with a willingness to compromise, making him a popular bipartisan figure.

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• Gameplay and Story Segregation: If Câmpeanu or Fărcășanu are elected in 1968, Zane will lead the PNT's center faction, which occupies the agrarianism slot on the ideological wheel. However, this is dissonant with his personal subideology (left-wing agrarianism), as agrarianism just represents the ideology of his political faction.
• Know When to Fold 'Em: Zane lets the Transnistria referendum run fairly so that Rumania only needs to annex the Dniester Hills, as he sees no reason to continue a difficult occupation of the region.
• Old Friend: Much like OTL, Zane is a long-standing friend of Coposu, where the latter hoped to get the former involved in politics. In TNO, such efforts were successful and Zane climbed up the PNT's ranks with Coposu's help.
• Rags to Riches: He grew up in poverty before becoming one of Rumania's most cherished academics and historians. He would elevate to new heights when the PNȚ turned to his advice to direct the economy, facilitating his rise to one of the most powerful political figures in Rumania.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: Zane is not only a powerful politician and major figure within the left of the PNT, but he is also willing to compromise and win the admiration of many as a bipartisan figure.
• Richard Nixon, the Used Car Salesman: In OTL, Zane was an economist and historian who spent much of his career in education. In TNO, thanks to his friendship with Coposu, Zane has gotten involved in politics as a leader of the PNT's left-wing.
• Taking Up the Mantle: If Fărcășanu won the 1964 election, Zane becomes the PNT candidate for 1968, representing a continuation of Mihalache's left-wing agrarianism and strengthening said wing of the party.

Corneliu Coposu

Role: Minister of Internal Affairs^note Security Minister (Mihalache cabinet), President of the Council of Ministers^note Head of State (Penescu bombed)

Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc^note National Peasants' Party

Ideology: Christian Conservatism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography (Minister of Internal Affairs) ^{Click to Show}A law student, a journalist, a boxer and an apt pupil of PNT party founder Iuliu Maniu, Corneliu Coposu is truly a man who could do anything. All he desired was to act as a mechanic for PNT’s political machine, first as a coordinator, now as second-in-line to the party presidency.

During the party conference which ultimately decided on Mihailache's candidacy, Coposu presided as interim President of the Council of Ministers throughout the entire sequence of events. A calculating man, his politics may be compromising but his morals have certainly not yet been as tainted. For someone who has spent the past decade in the political limelight, it is ultimately ironic that now he seeks only to retreat back into the shadows once more. Should the office of President of the Council of Ministers once again beg his name, Coposu shall not answer its call this time around.

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• The Ace: Coposu has a long list of occupations. He's a law student, a journalist, a boxer and a pupil of Iuliu Maniu, the PNȚ's founder.
• The Fettered: His morals are unshakable, but Coposu is willing to compromise on politics to get work done.
• Old Friend: Coposu is an old friend with Gheorghe Zane and has played a significant role in supporting Zane's ascent within the PNT.
• Reluctant Ruler: Coposu has retired any desires to become President of the Council of Ministers, preferring to runt he PNT's political machine in the background. However, he may find himself thrown into the position briefly if Penescu resigns or is assassinated due to the Odesa hostage crisis.
• Short-Lived Leadership:
  • Coposu briefly served as an interim President of the Council of Ministers while Mihalache's candidacy was being decided. Ever since stepping away from the limelight, he's made it clear that he won't accept this position again.
  • Contrary to his wishes, Coposu will become interim President when Penescu resigns or is assassinated, holding the position for a few months until elections are called later that year.
• You Are in Command Now: If Penescu resigns or is killed in the aftermath of the Odesa hostage crisis, Coposu will once again become the interim President of the Council of Minister, holding the position until the 1964 elections decide a new cabinet.

Ion Rațiu

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State (1964 election)

Party: Partidul Național Țărănesc (Center)^note National Peasants' Party

Ideology: Agrarianism^note Conservatism

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• Foregone Victory: Rațiu becomes the PNT's candidate for the 1964 election in the event Penescu is killed, where he is guaranteed to win that election. The 1968 election is less certain though, as Rațiu can win or lose re-election to Radu Câmpeanu
• Know When to Fold 'Em: Rațiu is one of two Rumanian Prime Ministers who withdraws from Transnistria with only the Dniester Hills' annexations, no longer wanting to prolong a struggle outside of Rumania's borders.
• Taking Up the Mantle: After Penescu's death, Rațiu retains the National Peasants Party's control of Rumania and their policies, namely focused on Rumanian independence, industrialization, and protections for the peasantry.

Mihail Fărcășanu

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State (1964 election)

Party: Partidul Național Liberal - Fărcășanu (Old Guard)^note National Liberal Party, Partidul Național Liberal (Old Guard) (PNL reunification)

Ideology: National Liberalism^note Liberalism

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• Corrupt Politician: Fărcășanu engages in extensive electoral fraud in the Transnistrian referendum for Odesa. While the Molodovan-majority, Dniester Valley counties overwhelmingly accept annexation into Rumania, Odesa is more resistant and has to be cheated for Fărcășanu to get his desired result.
• Foregone Victory: Fărcășanu and the PNL are guaranteed to win the 1964 election if the Odesa hostages were killed and Penescu was forced to resign due to the Tiraspol affair. These blows to the PNT shake the party's grip on politics enough to give an opportunity for the PNL to win and carry out their urbanization and privatization plans. However, Fărcășanu will not have the same guaranteed success when he runs for re-election, since he may win or lose to PNT candidate Gheorghe Zane.

Radu Câmpeanu

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State (1968 election)

Party: Partidul Național Liberal (Radicals)^note National Liberal Party, Partidul Național Liberal - Fărcășanu (Radicals) (Rațiu elected)

Ideology: Liberal Radicalism^note Liberalism

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• Know When to Fold 'Em: Câmpeanu denounces the Rumanian colonization in Transnistria as a pointless cause and promises to end the program if he's elected, a strong possibility that can be carried by student protests opposing Rumanian colonialism and the difficult insurgencies in Transnistrian territories.
• You Are in Command Now: Câmpeanu becomes the PNL candidate for the 1968 election if the PNT won the 1964 elections, promising a continuation to democratization and economic liberalization, and ending the colonialist ventures in Transnistria.

Transnistria Governorate

^{Flag of the Dniester and Bug Administration / Pridnestrovian Republic}

^{Flag of the Gebiet des Militärbefehlshabers in Transnistrien}

Official Name: Transnistria Governorate, Administration between the Dniester and Bug (Penescu or Fărcășanu Established Native Rule), Pridnestrovian Republic (Rațiu or Zane Established Native Rule), Gebiet des Militärbefehlshabers in Transnistrien^note Office of the Military Command in Transnistria (Rumanian pullout)

Ruling Party: Consiliul de Directii^note Board of Directors

Ideology: Civilian Dictatorship^note Despotism

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• All Take and No Give: The Tighina Accords are supposed to govern Transnistria as a hybrid administration where Rumanians and Germans will play equal roles in controlling the region. In practice, the Rumanians bear most of the general management, while Germany just uses the land for military bases, troops, and economic concessions.
• The Assimilator: Under pressure from activists like Nichita Smochina, a program of Rumanianization has been carried out in Transnistria in preparation for its eventual annexation. Ultimately, the dream of annexing all of Transnistria will never come to pass, as the best Romania can manage is taking the Dniester Hills and Odesa.
• Bilingual Bonus: The text on their flag is Romanian for "Transnistria Governorate", their name on the game map.
• Les Collaborateurs: Zig-Zagged. The Transnistria governorate does not make widescale use of collaboration from the Ukrainian population, as the administrative duties are handled by the Romanian and German minorities. The only part of the region to use Ukraine and Russian collaborators is Odesa. This gets played straight if Transnistria is reorganized into a native-led administration or republic, as Romania gives up trying to run the region itself.
• Corrupt Politician: Corruption in Transnistria is widespread, with many taking bribes and no solution being seen from Bucharest.
• Didn't Think This Through: Gheorghe Alexianu, who was Governor of Transnistria since its creation, refused to accept the authority of the Avramescu cabinet in Rumania, due to his opposition to democratization. He tried to gain backing from Germany, but he was ignored and promptly overthrown by the Romanian and German garrisons.
• The Dog Bites Back: In the 1946-1947 famine, Transnistria prioritized food shipments to the Rumanians and left many Ukrainians to starve. This would only embolden the Ukrainian resistance movements in the region, who used the crisis to to recruit and expand their operations.
• Evil Colonialist: The Rumanian government has previously encouraged Rumanian settlers to take up land in the newly annexed governorate, particularly in the Dniester Hills. In the decades since, the Rumanian government has lost interest in pursuing these goals but public activists like Nichita Smochina and their nationalist supporters amongst the settlers have started demanding the full annexation of the region. While Transnistria can never be fully annexed, referendums can be held after the 1968 elections in the majority Moldovan counties of the Dniester Hills for integration, while the rest of the region is reorganized. However, Penescu or Fărcășanu will aim to annex Odesa too through less democratic means.
• Hostage Situation: During the Ukrainian Civil War, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army will seize a local VoMi office and take its occupants hostage, putting Odesa in a state of emergency and requiring an immediate response to defuse the situation. Penescu will attempt to organize a rescue operation with the support of the Germans and the outcome of this will have major ramifications on Romania's domestic politics. Failure, in combination with the Tiraspol affair, will force Penescu to resign in April 1964. Successfully defusing the crisis in March 1964 will either result in Penescu being bombed in retaliation or continuing to reign over Romania.
• I Am Who?: One of the biggest questions confronting the Transnistria Governorate is what it's supposed to be. Though the Rumanian government formally controls it, the administration is corrupt and filled with bureaucrats looking to fill their pockets with Reichsmarks. Divisions persist within the administration itself, as the mayor of Odesa and the Rumanian garrison clash with each other, to the point that there was a German-Rumanian coup against a former governor who refused to submit to Bucharest. Ethnically, there's not much cohesion to be found either; The Black Sea Germans segregate themselves into communities governed by the Sonderkommando R and the Rumanians do the same. And that's not even mentioning the Ukrainians, who are the ethnic majority of the region, yet are completely neglected by the authorities. Overall, Siminel is leading, in his own words, "a hodgepodge government for a hodgepodge region".
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste:
  • The 1956 rebellion of Transnistria's governor, Gheorghe Alexianu, against democratization would embolden the Ukrainian resistance, until the uprising was put down by military intervention.
  • Once Germany is paralyzed after Hitler's death and Ukraine is gripped by a civil war, the resistance organizations seize their opportunity and start the Transnistria Bush War in December 1963, carrying out greater insurgency activity against the Romanian-German administration.
• Puppet State: If Rațiu or Zane lead Romania, they will reorganize Transnistria into a native-led puppet state and reduce Romania's administrative responsibilities for the territory. This is subverted if Penescu or Fărcășanu are leading, as Transnistria is instead reorganized into a more autonomous, self-governing administration.
• The Remnant: If Transnistria is reorganized into a native-led republic, it is suggested that the region will be seen as a kind of continuation of Ukraine.
  A part of Ukraine will still survive somewhere.
• La Résistance: Forces from the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army frequently launch insurgencies against the Rumanian-German administration, with the Ukrainian Civil War igniting insurgent activity in the Transnistria War. The rebels use the Odesa catacombs to launch surprise attacks on the city and bomb government buildings, representing a threat to Rumania's national interests.
• Settling the Frontier: While colonization efforts have wound down since the 1950's, there is still a sizable settler population concentrated within the Dniester Hills, alongside the already existing Romanian minority.^note The Dniester Hills in OTL were already home to a sizable Romanian/Moldovan minority particularly around Tiraspol. During the 1920's and 30's, the region was home to the Moldavian ASSR which was part of the Ukrainian SSR. This ASSR was disbanded when the rest of Moldova was turned into an SSR in 1940 and the western most parts of this ASSR, including Tiraspol, were merged into the SSR.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: While the governorate is supposed to be jointly governed by the Rumanians and Germans, the two often come into conflict and the most notable example of cooperation being a joint effort to replace a rebellious governor.
• Your Terrorists Are Our Freedom Fighters: The Romanian government denounces the Ukrainian resistance in Transnistria as terrorists and not freedom fighters wanting to liberate the region from the Romanians and Germans.

Victor Siminel

Role: Governor^note Head of State

Party: Consiliul de Directii^note Board of Directors

Ideology: Civilian Dictatorship^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}General Victor Siminel, governor of Transnistria, did not exactly ask for the duty he has these days. But he regards it as his job to see that it is done.

The scion of a Moldavian 'razesi', or yeoman, family, Siminel served with some distinction during the First World War. During the war against the Soviets he was kept out of high command, instead serving in the cavalry and in the middle ranks of the Special Intelligence Service, Romania's spy agency.

Antonescu fell, and in 1956 Avramescu's cabinet made Siminel director-general of the Special Intelligence Service, giving him the duty of reintegrating the anti-Antonescu spy cells and military factions back into the broader government apparatus now that their raison d'etre was no more. He fulfilled that duty, so luliu Maniu's government appointed him as the governor of Transnistria: "a hodgepodge government for a hodgepodge region", Siminel often calls it.

Under Siminel's leadership, the long-rising partisan threat has been held back for the time being. Despite that success, there is a question that troubles both Siminel and his political superiors: for how long will the region hold?

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• My Country, Right or Wrong: Siminel was made governor of Transnistria, a job he has no emotional attachment to and only fulfils because it's his duty to Rumania.
• Passed-Over Promotion: Downplayed. During the Second World War, he was kept out of high command and left in middle ranks with the cavalry and Special Intelligence Service. It was only after the fall of the Antonescu regime that he rose to director-general of the Special Intelligence Service.
• The Spymaster: After Antonescu was deposed, Siminel was made director-general of the Special Intelligence Service, Rumania's spy agency. Siminel has extensively reintegrated the anti-Antonescu spy cells and military factions back into the government and thus rebuilding their intelligence capabilities.
• War Hero: Siminel started his career with distinctive service in the First World War.
• You Are in Command Now: Siminel became Governor in 1956, after the failed rebellion of Gheorghe Alexianu. While Alexianu was replaced with Gheorghe Potopeanu, the latter would resign after a few months when the region was stabilizing, putting Siminel in charge.

Grigore Bastan

Role: Governor^note Head of State (Odesa hostage crisis concluded)

Party: Consiliul de Directii^note Board of Directors

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

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• Short-Lived Leadership: Bastan is put in charge of Transnistria in all outcomes of the Odesa hostage crisis, but he's quickly replaced by Pântea in every scenario except if Penescu resigns.

Gherman Pântea

Role: Governor^note Head of State (Bastan succession), Mayor of Odesa

Party: Consiliul de Directii^note Board of Directors

Ideology: Civilian Dictatorship^note Despotism

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• Meet the New Boss: Following most cases of the Odesa hostage crisis, Pântea takes over Transnistria, restoring the status quo of Romanizing of the region.

Siegfried Haß

Role: Head of State (Câmpeanu election)

Party: Militärverwaltung^note Military Administration

Ideology: National Socialism

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• Retired Monster: Downplayed. After Câmpeanu's election, Rumania transfers control of Transnistria to Haß, who doesn't really care for the region either and rules with general apathy.
• Viler New Villain: While the election of Câmpeanu ends the Rumanian colonization of Transnistria, their withdrawal leaves the region under Haß and the German military command, who will subject the region to a more brutal National Socialist regime.

Serbia

Independent State of Serbia

Official Name: Independent State of Serbia, Government of National Salvation (Serbian Civil War), Kingdom of Serbia (Đujić)

Ruling Party: Narodni Pokret Združena Borbena Organizacija Rada^note National Movement United Militant Labour Organization

Ideology: Clerical Fascism^note National Socialism

Germany's puppet state in Serbia.

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• Authority in Name Only: The Germans in Serbia really only control the major roads and cities of the country, with everything else plagued with anti-German partisans. Even worse, the Serb collaborators don't even govern some of the few areas they are officially responsible for, as some places like Banat are more autonomous zones governed by the local German populace instead. Even if Germany invades a communist Serbia to restore control, their sovereignty is still limited to these major areas.
• Blatant Lies:
  • Officially, the German garrison present in Serbia is intended to protect their borders, justifying any extraction of Serbian wealth for the purpose of maintaining this security force. However, virtually everyone recognizes that this garrison is really intended to keep the Serbians occupied and maintain Germanic influence in the Balkans.
  • The Government of National Salvation frames itself as the great protector of all Serbian people. A completely ludicrous claim, considering the oppressive actions they conduct.
• Citadel City: The city of Belgrade is a Wehrmacht fortress, owing to its important strategic position on the river Danube and its railway junction. The best German soldiers are stationed to defend the city, down to the last man against the Serbian partisans.
• Civil War: In the interim of Hitler's death and the German Civil War, the Serbs will launch an anti-German uprising, plunging Serbia into a civil war between the puppet regime and the pan-Yugoslav partisans.
• Les Collaborateurs: Under Đujić's command, the Chetniks have become a tool of oppression for the fascist Serbian government and part of the Serbian National Army, being more than happy to collaborate with the Germans and Italians to survive.
• Curb-Stomp Battle: Should the Partisans win the Civil War and declare a communist state, Germany (and by extension the Einheitspakt) will intervene and overthrow them through an invasion where the partisans have no chance of winning.
• Dark Horse Victory: The collaborationist government is highly unpopular and reliant on Germany, so many observers are surprised if they actually win the Serbian Civil War.
• Dystopia Is Hard: The collaborator government is barely functioning by 1962, with their economy in shambles and their reputation worsening with the general populace, while the anti-German partisans are growing stronger by the day.
• Even Evil Has Standards: Many Serb collaborators were stunned to hear of Mušicki joining the Ustaše, knowing well of the organization's "leanings".
• Failed State: The collaborationist government is incredibly weak and ineffectual, barely able to fight back against the ever-present partisan threat, save their dying economy, or win the hearts of their people. For this reason, Serbia is the first to fall into a civil war as soon as Hitler dies.
• Foreign Ruling Class: The German minority living in Banat are the most powerful class in the puppet regime, providing much of the activity needed to sustain the economy and the manpower needed to supply the garrison.
• Hope Springs Eternal: After the German invasion of Serbia, a wounded partisan fighter, suffering from necrosis and hiding in Belgrade, curses those he hears celebrating in the distance. Matters seem to get worse when the doctor treating his wounds tells him who has been captured and executed, while footsteps are heard outside the apartment and raises the possibility that the doctor has sold the partisan out. As it turns out, the crowd heard celebrating is not praising the Germans, but expressing delight upon the assassination of the new mayor of Belgrade, giving the partisan renewed optimism that their fight isn't over yet.
• Invading Refugees: Heavily persecuted by the Ustaše in Croatia and the Albanization programs in Italian-occupied Kosovo, waves of Serbs have fled to the country and congregated in makeshift camps or slums. More importantly to Germany, this heavy migration creates a constant drain on Serbia's economy and allows the partisans to recruit even more people to their cause.
• Non-Indicative Name: The "Independent State of Serbia" is anything but. The name thinly disguises the brutal German occupation that has been conducted in Serbia, with the collaborationist government going along with their oppressive policies.
• Pragmatic Villainy: Much as the Germans despise the Slavs as untermenschen, they accept their collaboration because the German garrison lacks the sufficient manpower to enforce order alone.
• Puppet State: Serbia is a puppet state of Germany. Its economy is entirely built around extracting every single speck of wealth and exporting it to Germany. The German garrisons maintain complete control over the infrastructure, and German firms control all significant mining, industrial and financial enterprises in Serbia.
• Red Scare: Every single collaborator faction makes extensive use of anti-communist rhetoric against the partisans.
• Skewed Priorities: The far-right collaborationist regime has single-mindedly pursued the suppression of "Judeo-Bolshevism" and "Freemasonry" to the detriment of actual national building, something that has little legitimacy in the eyes of the people.
• Succession Crisis: The death of Ljotić creates a power vacuum temporarily filled by Jovanović during the civil war. Once the partisans are dealt with, a race begins between Jovanović, Đujić and Jakov Ljotić, vying for control over Serbia.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: The collaborators are all initially united in their shared enmity with the partisans, but once they're dealt with after the Serbian Civil War, they will begin to argue over how Serbia should be governed.
• This Cannot Be!: The various Serbian collaborators react with despair if the National Liberation Front wins the civil war. One event shows a Serbian collaborator mourning the death of Hitler and Ljotić before ranting about how the communists are ruining Serbian traditions and threatening the church and family. He cannot comprehend why the partisans are so popular in Serbia and surmises that it must be due to some "all-encompassing" propaganda.
• Villainous Underdog: The news event for the Serbian Civil War makes it no secret that the unpopular collaborationist government faces an uphill battle against the partisans, yet it is still possible for them to overcome the odds and emerge on top.
• Villain with Good Publicity: Milan Nedić, the former prime minister who collaborated with the Germans during World War II, is still popular throughout Serbia. Generally, most Serbs justify his collaboration as a necessary sacrifice to spare his country from further German repression.
• You Cannot Kill An Idea: Despite two decades of constant suppression, the Nazis and their collaborators have failed to eradicate the partisan problem, which has been exacerbated by their failure at any nation building. Even if Germany reinvades a communist-liberated Serbia, they are immediately met with organized partisan activity, with much of the countryside falling back to partisan control and the new mayor of Belgrade being shot.

Dimitrije Ljotić

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State

Party: Narodni Pokret Združena Borbena Organizacija Rada^note National Movement United Militant Labour Organization

Ideology: Clerical Fascism^note National Socialism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Of all the Serbs, only Dimitrije Ljotić and his clerical-fascist party ZBOR - the Yugoslav National Movement - are trusted enough to run the Serbian puppet régime. This makes sense given that he and his party were the only willing bootlickers of Germany in a country that was awash with anti-German sentiment even before the Second World War and the fall of Yugoslavia to the national socialist empire.

Born in 1891, he fought in the Serbian army during the First World War; afterwards, he entered politics. In 1931, he was appointed justice minister for all of six months, being forced out after proposing a political system that was too autocratic for even the notoriously authoritarian Alexander I. Afterwards, he founded the pro-German ZBOR only to be met with rejection in 1935 and 1938, forced into a lunatic asylum under not entirely false allegations of 'religious mania', and at last driven into hiding until 1941, when the Axis conquered the Balkans.

When the Axis looked for collaborators, only Ljotić met the bill; very few were as enthusiastic, insane or sycophantic enough. A staunch anti-Semite, he proudly advocated the extermination of Jews before even many Nazis did. This combined with his crazed love of Germany, as well as an insane hatred of freemasons, communists, and capitalists, made him the perfect fit for control over the rump portion of Serbia left to native rule... too bad for him, then, that it does not work, and never could have.

The Serbian regime ruled by ZBOR is universally hated; not even the Church - who liked him for freeing their Patriarch from Dachau - tolerates him anymore. The country is a failed state that makes most basket cases look like Thomas More's Utopia. There is a refugee crisis, caused by Serbs that fled or were expelled by the Ustaše during their rule over Croatia. Various partisan groups - communists and nationalists alike - litter the countryside. Defections occur en masse every day.

Yet Ljotić, far from coming up with a solution, keeps ranting on and on just like his German idol. Why self-reflect, after all, when he can just blame the Jews, the liberals, the masons, the communists, and at times even the Pope, the Turks, or the Tsar of Bulgaria for his problems? The only solution to the Ljotić régime is putting it out of its misery. But at this point, it is not a matter of if that will happen but when.

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• 0% Approval Rating: He is deeply unpopular within his homeland of Serbia because he is a pro-German sycophant who was responsible for selling his country to the Nazis, despite the fact that the majority of the Serbs had anti-German sentiments before World War Two. Not even the Church (who used to like him for freeing their Patriarch from Dachau) tolerates him now.
• From Nobody to Nightmare: By 1941, Ljotić was practically a political pariah. He only served six months as a justice minister before being ostracized for proposing extremely autocratic policies, too much for the already authoritarian Alexander I to tolerate. He tried to recuperate by founding the slavishly pro-German ZBOR, but he found little love in the 1930's, and was put in an asylum under "religious mania" and eventually forced into hiding. It was only the German invasion that provided him the chance of regaining power, ultimately becoming a tyrant of a fascist, failed state.
• Never My Fault: Ljotić refuses to self-reflect on himself and try to solve the problems afflicting Serbia, instead, blaming a wide variety of groups including the Jews, the liberals, the masons, the communists, and at times even the Pope, the Turks, or the Tsar of Bulgaria for his problems.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: Ljotić is aggressively antisemitic, calling for an extermination against the Jews before many Nazis would carry out this idea.
• Psycho Supporter: Ljotić led the pro-German ZBOR before World War II and eagerly signed up as a collaborator because of how fanatically loyal he is to the Nazis.
• The Quisling: He's a Nazi collaborator and ruler of German-controlled Serbia.
• Sibling Team: His younger brother, Jakov, is also an enthusiastic collaborator and a potential successor.
• We Hardly Knew Ye: Ljotić gets assassinated by Serbian partisans during the onset of the German Civil War, within the first two years of the game.

Dragomir Jovanović

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State (Serbian Civil War)

Party: Vlada Narodnog Spasa^note Government of National Salvation

Ideology: Ultranationalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}When one asks a foreigner who is well versed in contemporary Balkan history about those people in Serbia who embraced the Reich, they'd tell them first about Milan Nedić, then about Dragomir Jovanović.

Having been the chief of Belgrade's police prior to the war, Dragomir Jovanović already found himself with connections within the Reich, something which had allowed him to attain prominence swiftly in the Government of National Salvation. When the German occupation formally began, he was appointed as commander of Belgrade, bolstering its defense and aiding the Germans with whatever they had ever needed help with. Be it dealing with communist guerrillas with his Special Police, or assisting in the creation of various camps across Serbia, Germany sought him out time and time again. They loved his reliability, his dedication, and the draconian measures he often employed to eliminate left-leaning resistance forces.

He has defined himself with those characteristics, and he will continue being just that. Reliable, draconian and dedicated, even if he is comparatively less fanatical about ideology than some of his other contemporaries in the government.

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• Meet the New Boss: Many see Jovanović's leadership as a repeat of the Milan Nedić regime, with his calls of broad rightist unity under an ultranationalist government.
• Pyrrhic Victory: Even if he manages to cling onto power after defeating the uprising, many are skeptical of his ability to maintain his rule, with many seeing Jovanović as treading on the same old ground as the previous Milan Nedić government he was part of.
• The Reliable One: Jovanović is the most trusted Serbian leader by Germany. While less ideological than the other collaborators, he has the Reich's approval because of his loyalty to Germany, brutality in attacking partisans, and draconian acts and use of concentration camps.
• The Quisling: Once the chief of Belgrade's police before the war, Jovanović has collaborated with the Axis since Yugoslavia was conquered by them, using his connections to gain favor from them. Since them, he's served as mayor of Belgrade during World War II and will return Serbia back to the German sphere of influence if they align with them over Italy.
• You Are in Command Now: Jovanović takes charge of Serbia after the death of Dimitrije Ljotić and leads the collaborationist government through the civil war. In the aftermath, he faces a succession crisis that he must navigate, if he wants to hold leadership.

Momčilo Đujić

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State (Serbian Civil War victory)

Party: Srpske Narodne Vojske^note Serbian National Army

Ideology: Reactionary Nationalism^note Ultranationalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}To many, he's the culmination of all that's wrong with the Chetnik movement, a collaborator, a pillager, a rotten person. But to his men, he's the leader that got them back to Belgrade safe and sound.

Momcilo Đujić was born in rural Dalmatia to a relatively wealthy family, where he later became a priest of Orthodox Christianity. The wealth of his family made him influential in the area, and the beginning of his association with the emerging Chetnik movement following the conclusion of the Great War landed him in the town of Knin. In Knin and around it, word was quickly spreading of Đujić's leadership capabilities, where he organized paramilitary formations within the greater framework of the Chetniks. When German tanks rolled through all of Yugoslavia, he moved to the newly formed Independent State of Croatia with his men, where he continued his resistance against the occupiers. Though his resistance was quite minimal, given he and his men were more involved in looting and ravaging the countryside, collaborating with Germans and Italians so they could survive.

And it would be correct to assume that Momcilo was rewarded for his actions in the form of his chief's, Draža Mihailović's, assassination by Gorkić's communists following the conclusion of the war, given he had immediately consolidated himself as the new leader of whatever scraps of the Chetnik movement still existed. When the Italo-German split finally occurred, Đujić made for Belgrade, where his gamble had paid off - he and his Chetniks were key to the formation of the now legalized Serbian National Army.

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• Evil Reactionary: Much of Đujić's platform is based on returning Serbia to a reactionary and traditionalist past, hoping to restore the monarchy as a symbol of Serbia's national pride.
• A Father to His Men: While many view him with great disdain for his collaboration, the Chetniks under his command view him as the leader who managed to return them to Belgrade safely.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste:
  • Đujić is from Dalmatia and led Chetnik groups in Croatia during the war, who looted and pillaged areas where his resistance against the Italians and Germans rapidly faded.
  • His consolidation over the Chetniks and the Italo-German split prompted him to make a break for Belgrade and gamble that the Chetniks would be integrated into the collaborationist regime there. The risk paid off.
• Rape, Pillage, and Burn: Đujić and his men have had no issues with looting and ravaging the countryside.
• Rightful King Returns: Đujić and his Chetniks plan to restore the Kingdom of Serbia and invite Peter II, the former King of Yugoslavia, back to the country.
• Sinister Minister: Đujić is not only an Orthodox Christian priest, but also a German collaborator, a pillager and a generally rotten person.
• You Are in Command Now: Đujić swept up control of the surviving Chetnik movements after Draža Mihailović's assassination by the partisans after the war.

Jakov Ljotić

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of State (Serbian Civil War victory)

Party: Narodni Pokret Združena Borbena Organizacija Rada^note National Movement United Militant Labour Organization

Ideology: Clerical Fascism^note National Socialism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}To many in Serbia, the death of Dimitrije Ljotić was nothing to celebrate, knowing who would very likely end up replacing him. And to those same Serbs, the former Prime Minister's spirit lives on through his remaining family, aiding in the most holy crusade against corruption.

Jakov Ljotić, the younger brother to Dimitrije Ljotić, is much like his brother. Pious, loyal to Germania, and deeply involved in the mysticism that the two were embroiled in since the early days of the Zbor. Jakov styles himself after fearless crusaders, supported by the Reich itself in his crusade against the satanic influences of communism, liberalism and masonic internationalism. His mission is one given to him by God - with his brother's death, Jakov takes the mantle of leadership, becoming the new spiritual leader of the entire country, guiding it through the muddied waters that Serbia finds itself in. And only through the proper implementation of religious zealotry and National Socialist policies can he ever hope to keep Serbia afloat, to prevent it from drowning into the judeo-bolshevik mud, and asphyxiating itself beneath the waves of masonic liberalism. And now, at the most important crossroad in Serbia's collective history, Jakov is ready to forge a path forward.

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• Les Collaborateurs: Ljotić is firmly committed and loyal to Germania.
• Evil Reactionary: Jakov Ljotić is the most reactionary leader that can come to power after his brother's death, believing in proper implementation of religious zealotry and National Socialist policies.
• The Fundamentalist: Ljotić is a religious zealot who believes in implementing fundamentalist and Nazi policies to combat "Judeo-Bolshevism".
• Meet the New Boss: His leadership and authorship of a new constitution marks a return to the previous fascist Zbor regime that was in place when his brother ruled Serbia.
• Mission from God: Ljotić believes he is on a crusade to rid Serbia from the satanic influences of communism, liberalism and masonic internationalism.
• Sibling Team: Jakov is the younger brother of Dimitrije and both of them are fascist collaborators in service to Germany.

Borivoje Jonić

Role: Head of State (Post-German invasion)

Party: Vlada Narodnog Spasa^note Government of National Salvation

Ideology: Clerical Fascism^note Fascism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Serbs have no need for self-deluded ideologues to marshal them, all they need is a patriotic God-fearing policeman, and with Jonić, their call has been answered.

For a man who led the Serbian gendarmerie since 1942, a role that closely linked him with the Reich, Borivoje Jonić's motivations remained a mystery. His fervent nationalism and zeal in hunting down communist partisans only allowing a glimpse at his true convictions, with his advocacy for the legalization of the Chetnik movement being the only other crack of light into beliefs.

However, Jonić's views would be forced into the light by the man himself as the situation of his homeland took unexpected turns. Serbia's recent turmoil turned him into a voice for strong German cooperation, coming to the conclusion that only the Reich could protect his nation from its many enemies.

The defender of Serbdom now sits as its head of state, spying threats from every corner. Jonić has discarded any lingering remnants of his prior apathy towards the Reich, for he now knows they will deal with Serbia's enemies with the fury they deserve.

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• Les Collaborateurs: Initially Downplayed; Jonić has been closely linked with Germany for 20 years, but his ideological convictions were largely unknown, other than his heavy Serbian nationalism and anti-communism, and was apathetic to the Reich. He drops this sentiment when he is placed into charge of Serbia following Germany's invasion of the country.
• The Paranoiac: Jonić rules Serbia in a constant state of paranoia at potential threats, vowing to deal with them ruthlessly.
• Puppet King: Jonić is propped up in charge of Serbia by Germany, in the hopes that he can act as another Nedić and unite the Serbian right.
• Turncoat: Jonić fought for Serbia in the Balkan Wars and both World Wars, initially fighting Germany in their invasion of Yugoslavia. However, he's since switched allegiances and has been leading Germany's collaborationist gendarmerie since 1942.
• The Quisling: Jonić serves a minor role in the collaborationist government and has uncertain political views. However, a partisan victory in the civil war reveals that he is a major advocate for German conquest to restore a fascist and religious government, which can be granted if the communists rule Serbia and Germany invades. Even prior to that, Jonić was noted for his participation in the massacres of suspected communists and Jews.

Serbian National Liberation Front

^{Flag of the Republic of Serbia}

^{Flag of the People's Republic of Serbia}

Official Name: Serbian National Liberation Front, People's Republic of Serbia (Ranković, Ćopić), Republic of Serbia (Ćosić)

Ruling Party: Narodnooslobodilačka Vojska^note National Liberation Army

Ideology: Partisan Movement^note Despotism

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• Allohistorical Allusion: The overthrow of Ćosić's government during the Oil Crisis bears some similarities to the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic's government in OTL's Yugoslavia, with the Otpor movement and the Democratic Opposition of Serbia also emerging far earlier in this timeline.
• Back from the Brink: If Ranković and the pro-Yugoslav communists secure power, it is seen as a rebirth of Yugoslavia as the leadership aims to liberate Montenegro and Croatia as well. Unfortunately, these hopes are short-lived when Germany reinvades.
• Beneath Notice: The Republic of Serbia, potentially established by the Serbian nationalists, will not be invaded by Germany, even though they helped overthrow the collaborationist government. From Germany's perspective, a left-leaning nationalist government is not big enough of a threat to warrant an invasion.
• Did You Just Flip Off Cthulhu?: If the National Liberation Army wins the civil war, an already tense Wehrmacht High Command, worrying about the Radio Silence from the collaborators, are greeted with a resistance message denouncing and cursing them before ceasing communications. The High Command erupts in outrage at this audacity and immediately plan a retaliation.
  NAZI SWINES. SERBIA IS NOW UNDER DIRECT ADMINISTRATION OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY. WE SHALL CEASE ALL CONTACT WITH YOUR REGIME. MAY YOU ALL ROT IN HELL.
• The Federation: The left-wing partisans desire a reunification of Croatia, Bosnia, and even more territory to restore the Yugoslav federation.
• The Generation Gap: The Serbian resistance's division is related to a general divide, as the old members retain loyalty to Yugoslavia and communism, having been members of the Yugoslav left during the interwar years. Meanwhile, the wave of younger recruits have grown up in a world where Yugoslavia was destroyed long ago and have found more appeal in Serbian nationalism and shunned communism as an ideology.
• Hated by All: After winning the civil war, the pan-Yugoslav partisans find themselves alone, surrounded by hostile neighbors who disdain communism and socialism. Eventually, they will be invaded by the Einheitspakt in order to remove the communist government if it was established.
• Hope Spot: A partisan victory will be short-lived if the communist government remains in power, as an angry Germany will reinvade Serbia and kill any chance of a communist state living near them.
• Invading Refugees: Even if the partisans win, they'll still need to deal with the Serbian refugees who have fled Croatia and Kosovo. They don't really have a solid plan on whether to repatriate them back to their home country or integrate them, complicated by their lack of economic resources and the inability for some poor refugees to return home (even if they wanted to).
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: The Serbian partisans are quick to act upon the death of Adolf Hitler and Dimitrije Ljotić, launching a general uprising to oust the collaborators.
• Occupiers Out of Our Country: The Serbian National Liberation Front is a partisan group fighting to liberate Serbia from the subjugation of Germania and its collaborators.
• La Résistance: Two generations of Serbian partisans are united under the NOV's banner; the old guard that are still loyal to Tito's communism and pan-Yugoslavism, and a new wave who do not believe in those two ideas.
• Rag Tag Bunch Of Misfits: The Otpor movement, which appears in Ćosić's path, is a broad collection of dissidents primarily in the center and right, with smaller elements from the left.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes: A major challenge faced by the pro-Yugoslav communists is the worsening relations between the various nationalities, due to the massacres and genocides conducted by the collaborators. Reconciling them will be a major goal for those who wish to rebuild Yugoslavia.
• The Remnant: Even after the establishment of a socialist republic, many far-right groups continue to conduct low-level insurgencies, getting their supplies from Germany and playing a major supporting role in the German invasion.
• Revolving Door Revolution: :Soon after taking power for himself, Ćosić's government can end up collapsing as a result of the Oil Crisis, leading to his removal from power, and leading to Serbia becoming a true, liberal democracy.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: The Serbian resistance movement is divided between the old guard who still adhere to Tito's dream of a communist Yugoslavia and the newer generation of rebels who desire a nationalist Serbia instead. Both groups are willing to work together against the Germans, but once their common foe is taken care of, these factions will fight for control of Serbia. Even the communists are divided themselves, split between moderate and conservative factions who debate over how Yugoslavia should be governed. This eventually reaches a head in the post-war elections, which sees Ranković's pan-Yugoslav communists, Ćopić's moderates, and Ćosić's Serbian nationalists compete with one another.
• You Cannot Kill An Idea: The idea of a genuine Serbian democracy will not go away when Ćosić takes power and starts becoming a President for Life. In the Oil Crisis, a broad collection of pro-democracy dissidents unite and run against Ćosić in the election, which could prevent him from winning a third term.

Aleksandar Ranković

^{Post-civil war portrait}

Role: President of ASNOS^note Head of State

Party: Narodnooslobodilačka Vojska^note National Liberation Army, Nacionalni Komitet Oslobodjenja Srbije^note National Committee for the Liberation of Serbia, Antifašističko Viječe Narodnog Oslobođenja Srbije^note Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Serbia (Post-War Election)

Ideology: Partisan Movement^note Despotism, National Communism^note Communism (Election)

In-Game Biography (Post-civil war): ^{Click to Show}Sometimes known by his nom de guerre, Leka, Aleksandar Ranković is the foremost member of the partisan old guard in Serbia, and for many, one of the few remaining symbols of the Yugoslav dream. Born into a poor family in the outskirts of Belgrade, Ranković joined the Serbian workers' movement at the age of 15, soon entering the Serbian Communist Party. A dedicated and indefatigable organizer, Ranković was arrested and imprisoned for six years by the authorities of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and upon being released immediately resumed his political activity, playing a vital role in the early strengthening of the Party in Serbia.

Not even the war was able to stop him - immediately joining the partisan movement as Serbia was invaded by Germany, he was again arrested in 1941, but this time by the Gestapo. Surviving torture at the hands of the Nazi criminals, he was rescued by a daring partisan raid. In retaliation, Gestapo agents executed his wife and his mother. Ever more determined to fight on, Ranković would later go on to become a major leader in the communist leadership, founding and directing OZNA, the partisans' secret police and intelligence bureau.

In his role as president of ASNOS, Ranković was entrusted with keeping the flame of Yugoslav communism alive. An entire generation of Serbians grew up barely remembering Tito and his comrades, but Ranković was there to remind them - to remind them that through the people's struggle, a new Yugoslavia would be reborn from its ashes. As the red star has once more risen in the skies of Belgrade, a new light shines in the Balkans - destined to either lead the Serbs to the liberation of all Yugoslav peoples, or to be once more stamped out by the vile servants of fascism.

Leader of the AVNOS. He represents the pan-Yugoslavian old guard of the partisans.

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• Chummy Commies: A longtime member of the Yugoslav Partisans, Ranković continues to follow Tito in hopes of forming a unified communist Yugoslavia.
• The Determinator: Ranković has been involved in the Serbian communist movement since he was 15 years old and he spent six years imprisoned by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia for his organizational skills. He would immediately resume this activism once he released and later joined the Serbian resistance when the Axis Powers invaded.
• Genocide Survivor: He was captured and tortured by the Gestapo in 1941 while fighting with the Yugoslav Partisans. He was eventually rescued by his comrades, but the occupiers took revenge by murdering Ranković's wife and mother.
• It's Personal: Besides his vehement opposition to fascism, Ranković's resistance is also motivated by the death of his wife and mother at the hands of Gestapo agents.
• Nom de Guerre: Ranković is often known by his nom de guerre "Leka".
• Old Soldier: Ranković is one of the few Serbs old enough to remember Tito's resistance against Germany during World War II. He feels obligated to remind his fellow comrades of Tito's vision for a free, communist Yugoslavia.
• The Remnant: Ranković is one of the last remaining prominent pro-Yugoslav communists.
• The Spymaster: Ranković was responsible for organizing the OZNA, the partisans' secret police and intelligence bureau.

Dobrica Ćosić

Role: President^note Head of State (Post-War Election)

Party: Socijalistička Partija Srbije^note Socialist Party of Serbia, Socijalistička Partija Srbija - Srpska Radikalna Stranka^note Socialist Party of Serbia - Serbian Radical Party (SPS-SRS coalition)

Ideology: Social Nationalism^note Paternalism, Dominant-Party Democracy^note Paternalism (SPS dominance solidified)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}In the aftermath of the Serbian Civil War, it is Dobrica Ćosić who has assumed responsibility for the welfare of the remnants of the Serbian state. Yet if you told a young Ćosić in 1938 or 1939 that this would be his fate he would laugh in your face or refer you to the local sanatorium.

In that time, the happy time before Yugoslavia was destroyed, Ćosić joined the Communist youth in Negotin. When the Axis came for Yugoslavia in 1941, he joined the Communist Partisans and took to his duties with alacrity... until the Soviet Union fell, and the war kept dragging on with no true hope of success.

Then, he began to doubt the validity of both Communism and Yugoslavism. As a result, as he continued to rise through the ranks, he became more a nationalist than a communist. Exploiting the divide between the Italians and Germans - which was leading to the fortification of the Serbo-Croatian border, and dividing the Croatian and Montenegrin partisans from the Serbs and Macedonians - he inspired others that shared his sentiment and developed a sizeable following within the Partisan movement.

And now that has reached fruition. The man that could debatably be referred to as the father of modern Serb nationalism now is in charge of his country, for better or for worse - though others may well have something to say about that.

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• Broken Pedestal: Coming to power on a wave of nationalism, populism, and democratic promises, Ćosić is hugely popular in the immediate post-war period. However, his optics decline as Ćosić resorts to increasingly corrupt methods to hold onto power and, by the time of the Oil Crisis, genuinely democratic dissidents rise up to smash the SPS's electoral dominance.
• Defector from Decadence: Witnessing the downfall of the Soviet Union, Ćosić became disillusioned in the idea of communism and pan-Yugoslavism. Since then, Ćosić has become more of a nationalist, separating the Serb partisans from the other Balkan resistance movements.
• Enemy Mine: In response to the [[spoilerOil Crisis]] opposition, Ćosić can form an electoral alliance with Veljko Gerubina and the national conservatives in the SRS. Not only will this buy more support for himself, it also serves as a Divide and Conquer strategy against the Otpor movement, switching one of their leading parties to his own side. The subsequent victory ensures Ćosić remains on the path of social nationalism.
• Even Evil Has Standards: For how corrupt and autocratic he can get, Ćosić isn't so shameless to try working with a fascist Italy. He will only join the Italian economic sphere, if Italy democratizes.
• Landslide Election: Between the lack of opposition, marginalization of communist opponents, intimidation tactics, and broad popularity, Ćosić can win the post-war elections in a landslide.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: Ćosić used the Italo-German split and subsequent militarization of the Serbian-Croatian border to propagate Serbian nationalism against pan-Yugoslavism, which would become relevant as the partisan movement in Serbia was separated from the rest of Yugoslavia.
• President for Life:
  • By sidelining the communists and employing intimidation tactics, Ćosić easily wins the restored democratic election, taking control of the Presidency and legislature. Ćosić doesn't get better from there, running unopposed by either employing more anti-democratic practices or forming a coalition with the People's Radical Party.
  • Ćosić can retain power through the Oil Crisis and head into the 1970's if he quells the unrest the dissidents opposed to his regime. By the time he wins a third term without negotiating with another party, Ćosić's ideology changes to dominant-party democracy to reflects the entrenched position of the SPS and continual erosion of democracy. However, this can be Subverted if the Otpor movement successfully undermines the SPS's dominance in Serbia and paves the way for free and fair elections.
• Patriotic Fervor: Ćosić represents the Serbian nationalist faction of the Serbian partisans, who oppose the old guard's Titoist and pan-Yugoslavian beliefs.
• The Purge: If Ćosić secures a third term without needing to negotiation, he starts cracking down on his opposition and further entrenching the SPS's advantageous position in Serbia.

Vladimir Ćopić

Role: Head of State (Post-War Election)

Party: Antifašističko Viječe Narodnog Oslobođenja Srbije^note The Anti-Fascist Council of the National Liberation of Serbia

Ideology: Bolshevism^note Communism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Vladimir Ćopić grew up entranced by the stories of Karađorđe and other heroes of Serbian legend who threw off the shackles of the Ottoman Empire, knowing that his lot in life was to be a fighting man. First taking up arms in the Great War, he quickly found himself in the arms of the Russian Red Army, where he was introduced to Communism.

Upon Vladimir's return to his homeland, he joined the Communist Party, traveling to Russia to learn tactics and Spain to fight once again. His warrior spirit gave him a following amongst the Marxists in Yugoslavia, eventually returning home once the Axis invaded and occupied the region to help found the resistance.

He quickly became a leader of the movement, rallying guerillas to strike at the Germans wherever they were weak. A newborn hero in a land full of villains, his task is no easy one. While no military genius, his natural charisma ensures that those around Ćopić will follow him through hell itself, which is not too far off from the killing fields of Serbia.

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• Hero-Worshipper: Ćopić was enamored with stories of Serbian heroes like Karađorđe, which inspires his current resistance against the German regime.
• Old Soldier: Ćopić has fought in all sorts of conflicts since the First World War and has spent the past two decades fighting against the Germans and collaborationist government.
• Rebel Leader: Though not the best military commander, Ćopić is charismatic and capable of rallying guerrillas in the war against Germany.
• Taught by Experience: Learning how to fight in Russia and practicing in the Spanish Civil War, Ćopić took his expertise to lead a Marxist resistance when the Axis invaded Yugoslavia.

Borislav Pekić

Role: President^note Head of State (Post-Serbian Spring Election)

Party: Demokratska opozicija Srbije (Demokratska Stranka)^note Democratic Opposition of Serbia (Democratic Party)

Ideology: Big Tent^note Liberal Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}An unwavering fighter for freedom and liberalism, Pekić's golden ticket to imbue these values into Serbia has finally arrived.

Always a skeptic, Borislav Pekić found himself working with the underground resistance since the days of his youth. His moral compass led him to develop a passion for liberal democracy and an unrelenting opposition to the dictators that have oppressed his nation.

The collaborationist regime came and went as Ćosić's presidency pledged to create a republic that would enshrine the liberal values that Pekić bled for... only to watch it become a twisted parody as his party attempted to entrench itself within Serbian society and eradicate any legitimate opposition to their dominance. The Oil Crisis proved the SPS' ineptitude, allowing him to ride the wave of people power into Serbia's highest office on a program of transformative change.

The eternal dissident now inherits Ćosić's broken promises of a democratic Serbia as its people look towards Pekić and the newly reformed Democratic Party for hope in these difficult times. His time is now to give his nation the liberty it deserves.

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• Defector from Decadence: Disgusted by the corruption of Serbia's democracy under Ćosić, Pekić swears to undo the damage he's done and can get elected when the Oil Crisis hits.
• The Determinator: Pekić is a man of strong principles and an unwavering commitment to liberalism against dictatorships. He spent his youth working for the underground resistance and joins the Otpor movement against Ćosić's corruption of the democratic system.

Nikola Milošević

Role: President^note Head of State (Post-Serbian Spring Election)

Party: Domkratska opozicija Srbije (Srpska Liberalna Stranka)^note Democratic Opposition of Serbia (Serbian Liberal Party)

Ideology: Populist Conservatism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}These years of radicalism have brought Serbdom to their knees, they turn to Milošević to provide them with the stability they cry out for.

For the longest time, Nikola Milošević was a bystander to the Serbian political scene. His apathy left him isolated from both the German-dominated government and when he eventually joined the resistance, he would only find ennui from the communists that gripped it until they were outmaneuvered by Ćosić's Young Guard.


As Ćosić's authoritarianism grew, Milošević would reform the Democratic Party of Yore with Borislav Pekić to oust the would-be dictator, leading its more anti-communist right wing. When the SPS fell apart after the Oil Crisis, the Democratic Party would experience a lesser split as Milošević would reject its republicanism in favor of constitutional monarchism while also rejecting the Radicals unwillingness to coalition, creating the Serbian Liberal Party with other like-minded intellectuals.

Now president, Milošević's possibilities seem unlimited as he seeks a radical break from Ćosić's regime, anything from free market policies to a return of King Peter seems to be on the cards...

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• Bystander Syndrome: For a long time, Milošević stood by as Germany oppressed Serbia and only joined the resistance years later.
• Defector from Decadence: Milošević joins Pekić's mission to oust Ćosić and his authoritarian reign. However, Milošević would later split, supporting constitutional monarchism over Pekić's proposed republicanism and quarreling over the Radicals' unwillingness to form a coalition.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: When Serbia was under German rule, Milošević was a latecomer to the resistance, but was not well-liked by the communist partisans.
• Start My Own: Milošević works alongside Borislav Pekić in the Democratic party to undermine Ćosić during the Oil Crisis. If they are successful, Milošević will part ways and form the Serbian Liberal Party, due to his more conservative views and wish to establish a constitutional monarchy.

Veljko Guberina

Role: President^note Head of State (Post-Serbian Spring Election)

Party: Srpska Radikalna Stranka^note Serbian Radical Party

Ideology: National Conservatism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}The partisans would have you believe that every Serb took arms against the German occupiers and their cronies, but it would be revisionist to ignore men like Guberina.

They were far from admirers of the brutal measures taken by it but comforted themselves with the knowledge that these were necessary evils to protect the innocent from Serbia's enemies. Yet the lingering viscera on the walls while walking to work made them question how successful it was at these goals.

Veljko Guberina took this same path to his legal office daily, the resistance's victory did not change much in his life but as his expediency as a lawyer grew, he began to involve himself in Serbia's political landscape. Ćosić's crumbling regime provided ample opportunity for a more capable pair of hands to succeed in protecting Serbdom.

The silver-tongued orator has unified the disparate national factions under the banner of his Radical Party as the people elect him to their highest office. Patriots soothe themselves listening to his speeches on national unity, others pray that he will not be another Ćosić.

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• Anti-Villain: Guberina is living proof against the idea that every Serb took arms against the Germans, as he justified collaboration as a necessary evil to minimize the harms done by the Nazis.
• Affably Evil: Guberina is a former Nazi collaborator, but his charisma is infectious enough to win popular support for the Radical Party and potentially get elected.
• Enemy Mine: Guberina can accept an electoral alliance with Ćosić, despite being an Otpor leader in opposition to him. Both are nationalists, so an agreement is not out of the question.
• Meet the New Boss: In the wake of Ćosić's crumbling regime, Guberina can be elected in his place, but some fear that he'll just repeat his predecessor's mistakes and condemn Serbia to another dictatorship.
• Necessarily Evil: Whenever he witnessed an atrocity committed by the Nazis, Guberina eased his conscious with assurances that his collaboration is all that can be done to spare Serbia from further Nazi oppression.

Dinaric Alps

Kingdom of Croatia

^{Flag of Yugoslavia}

^{Flag of Croatia (Francetić)}

Official Name: Kingdom of Croatia, Republic of Yugoslavia (Tito), Independent State of Croatia (Francetić)

Ruling Party: Italian Authority

Ideology: Fascism

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• Balkanize Me: Shortly after Tito takes over Croatia, Bosnian nationalists led by Alija Izetbegović will secede from the country and declare their independence, and back up their independence by allying themselves with Italy.
• Curb-Stomp Battle: If the Ustaše or Tito's partisans rise up and take over Croatia, Italy (which has one of the strongest armies in the world) will rapidly intervene and crush that regime.
• Ghost Town: The prior ethnic cleansings carried out by the Ustaše have displaced thousands of Serbs and the few survivors have emigrated elsewhere, leaving their villages abandoned and the economy in ruins.
• Puppet State: Croatia is an Italian puppet state that is independent only on paper.

Tomislav II

Role: Head of State

Party: Italian Authority

Ideology: Fascism, Despotism (Operation Teuta)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Tomislav II, previously known as Aimone Roberto Margherita Maria Giuseppe Torino di Savoia-Aosta, was inaugurated against his will as the new Croatian King whilst the Second World War consumed Europe. Once a Prince of Italy's royal house, Aimone found himself at the head of a nation which he had no love for - he didn't speak a word of Croatian nor had he even ever been there, as he was picked simply because of his noble blood. Upon being forced into kingship, Aimone soon found that his title was nothing but a farce, a thin disguise for the iron fisted rule of Ante Pavelić, commander of the brutal Ustaše fascist movement.

The creation of the Kingdom brought further woe upon Croatia, already plagued by the ruthless ethnic and religious violence wrought on the population by the Ustaše, as the destruction of what little was left of the nation's industry during the turmoil caused the collapse of its already weak economy. The only thing resembling good news was that with Pavelić's death in 1959, Italy, now with Ciano at the helm, seized the chance to actively oppose the Ustaše, forcing them underground.

Now, power stays firmly in the hands of a cadre of Italian advisors and military officers, with King Tomislav II being an unwilling farce of King ruling over a broken nation that hates him and the foreign oppression he represents. With dissent in the country reaching unbearable levels, Croatia might very soon reveal itself to be a powder keg sitting right next on Italy's borders - and the fuse is getting shorter by the day.

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• 0% Approval Rating: Tomislav is hated throughout Croatia as a foreign dictator and Italy only sees him as a useful tool to keep the country under their sphere.
• Everyone Has Standards: Tomislav was disgusted by the many atrocities committed by the Ustaše during World War II and after, so he had few complaints when the organization was forced underground by Italy.
• Offered the Crown: Due to his noble blood, Aimone di Savoia-Aosta was inaugurated against his will as King Tomislav II of Croatia, even though he neither speaks the language nor has even ever been there.
• Puppet King: Tomislav II has no true power. Initially, he served as a figurehead for Ante Pavelić, commander of the Ustaše; after Pavelić's death, a cadre of Italian advisors and military officers now control Croatia.
• Reluctant Ruler: Tomislav never wanted to rule, much less be crowned ruler over a foreign country he has no love for which speaks a tongue he speaks nary a word of. Unfortunately, Italy had little care for his wishes and appointed him just because he's royalty.

Zvonimir II

Role: Head of State (Post-Italian invasion)

Party: Italian Authority

Ideology: Aristocratic Conservatism^note Despotism

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• Meet the New Boss: After Tito or Francetić's rebellion is crushed, Zvonimir is put in charge of the country, restoring the status quo of Italian rule.

Josip Broz Tito

Role: Head of State (Communist takeover)

Party: Zemaljsko Antifašističko Vijeće Narodnog Oslobođenja Hrvatske^note National Anti-Fascist Council of the National Liberation of Croatia

Ideology: National Communism^note Communism

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• The Determinator: Long after the Soviet Union and Western Allies were struck down by the Axis, Tito has not given up his mission to liberate the Balkans from the influence, subverting their control in Croatia.
• Failure Is the Only Option: His initial attempt to liberate Croatia will inevitably end in failure, as Italy invades with overwhelming force and nearly kills him.
• Good Is Not Nice: His goal of liberating Croatia is an inherently noble one, but he also formulates lists to round up reactionaries and collaborators for detention and "re-education". Unfortunately, this also comes with the side effect of imprisoning and punishing people who were simply in the wrong place at the wrong time.
• Occupiers Out of Our Country: Tito has fought an endless guerrilla war to liberate the people of Croatia from Italian rule.
• Old Soldier: Tito never ceased his resistance against the fascists, continuing to lead his partisans against both the collaborationist Italian Authority and the homegrown Ustaša.
• Only Known by Their Nickname: "Tito" is just a pseudonym that he took while doing undercover work, but he's almost always referred to that by name.
• The Purge: If Tito triumphs in Croatia, he will launch reprisals on reactionaries and collaborators, detaining them and sending them to "re-education".
• Rebel Leader: Tito, leader of the Yugoslav Partisans since World War II, is a hero to all of the oppressed peoples of the Balkans, and the bogeyman of the Italian occupiers.

Jure Francetić

Role: Head of State (Ustaša takeover)

Party: Ustaša – Hrvatski Revolucionarni Pokret^note Ustaša - Croatian Revolutionary Movement

Ideology: Clerical Fascism^note National Socialism

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• Failure Is the Only Option: Francetić and the Ustaša will ultimately fail to turn Croatia into a racially "pure" state because Italy will just invade the country and restore Italian rule through Zvonimir II.
• Final Solution: If the Ustaše led by Francetić take over Croatia, they begin launching harsh reprisal operations on the "undesirable" ethnic groups in Croatia.
• A Nazi by Any Other Name: Jure Francetić and his Ustaša are openly hostile towards the minorities of Croatia, particularly the Bosnians. He has openly called for ethnic cleansing to purge Croatia of so-called "undesirables".
• The Remnant: Since Ante Pavelić's death in 1959, Francetić has taken over the Ustaša remnants that have been forced into hiding by Italian suppression.

Mladen Lorković

Role: Head of State

Ideology: Clerical Fascism^note National Socialism

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• Four Eyes, Zero Soul: He wears a pair of glasses and is a senior ranking member of the Ustaša.

Bosnia

Official Name: Republic of Bosnia

Ruling Party: Stranka Demokratske Akcije^note Democratic Action Party

Ideology: Islamic Conservatism^note Conservatism

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• Voluntary Vassal: Bosnia allies themselves with Italy in order to receive an Italian guarantee of protection.

Alija Izetbegović

Role: Head of State

Ruling Party: Stranka Demokratske Akcije^note Democratic Action Party

Ideology: Islamic Conservatism^note Conservatism

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• Allohistorical Allusion: Alija Izetbegović in OTL was the first President of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzergovina and later first chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and under his leadership Bosnia seceded from Yugoslavia in 1992. In TNO, an Izetbegović-lead Bosnia will secede from a socialist Croatia, albiet thirty years earlier.
• Screw This, I'm Outta Here: If Tito's partisans take over Croatia, Izetbegović organizes Bosnia's secession from the country and avoids conflict with him.

Kingdom of Montenegro

Official Name: Kingdom of Montenegro

Ruling Party: Crnogorsko Državno Vijeće^note Montenegrin State Council

Ideology: Corporatism^note Fascism

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• Army of Thieves and Whores: The closest thing to an army in Montenegro is the patchwork Montenegrin National Army, led by Pavle Đurišić. They spend just as much time fighting partisans as they do raiding local villages, in which the government can't do anything to stop them because they're too important to turn against.
• Puppet State: Montenegro was occupied by Italy and turned into a nominally independent kingdom, led by an Italian-appointed king. The king has control over the legislature, executive, and judiciary in addition to wielding significant control over the Central Corporative Council, but otherwise submits to Italy and manages Montenegro's corporatist economy.
• La Résistance: Montenegro is plagued with partisans that have continued to resist Italian occupation of their country. CASNO is the largest anti-fascist movement, in which they base themselves in the mountains and forests, while also helping other Yugoslav resistance movements.

Nikola II

Role: Head of State

Party: Crnogorsko Državno Vijeće^note Montenegrin State Council

Ideology: Corporatism^note Fascism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Historically, many rulers were deprived of their crown and forced into exile. Nikola II, king of Montenegro, is in the far more peculiar situation of being simultaneously a ruling monarch and an exile in a foreign land. A scion of the Russian imperial house of Romanov, Nicholas Romanovich has never seen his ancestral lands: born in France in 1922, he and his family moved to Italy in 1936, where young Nicholas completed his education, intending to pursue a career as a naval officer in the Regia Marina. His family connections quickly made him close to the Italian royal court, and he even lived in the residence of king Vittorio Emanuele III during World War II.

It was then that the trajectory of prince Nicholas's life intersected with the arrows drawn by Axis forces as they stormed across the European map. In the Balkans, Yugoslavia was dismembered into occupation governments and puppet states, among them the Italian protectorate of Montenegro, and as a newly restored kingdom, Montenegro needed a king. Nicholas was not only an Orthodox prince with an ancient surname: he was also educated in Italy, close to the Italian court, and even a relative of the old Petrović-Njegoš ruling house. After much reluctance, Nicholas was forced to accept his crown, and sent off to rule in Cetinje as Nikola II.

Beneath all the pomp and propaganda, Nikola rules a broken country: while the constitution grants immense powers to the king, such power is more theoretical than real. In the cities, it must contend with the wishes of Montenegro's Roman masters, and in the countryside, it fails to reach into the partisan-controlled valleys of the interior. The few allies Nikola has, the local Chetniks and the Cossack regiments of the Italian army, are untrustworthy to say the least. Time will tell whether Nikola will bring back some semblance of peace in the country, or if his kingdom is destined to be yet another broken husk, swept away by the ever bloody tide of Balkan history.

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• Led by the Outsider: Nikolai was born in France to an exiled Romanov family before moving to Italy at a young age. He was offered to become the King of Montenegro because of his close association with the Italian royal court, his status as an Orthodox prince, and a connection with the previous ruling houses of the country.
• Puppet King: While King Nikola II is granted immense powers by the Montenegrin constitution, these powers only exist on paper, as he must listen to his masters in Rome and has very little grasp over the partisan-controlled countryside.
• Reluctant Ruler: After much reluctance, Nikolai Romanovich Romanov was forced to accept the crown when the Italians established the puppet Kingdom of Montenegro.
• Richard Nixon, the Used Car Salesman: Nikolai Romanovich Romanov was a minor figure in OTL, who claimed to be the head of the House of Romanov and founded the Romanov Family Association. While he was offered the throne of Montenegro during World War II, he declined the position and instead wanted to join the Italian navy, which failed because of his nearsightedness. In this timeline, he reluctantly accepted and has become the puppet king of the country to legitimize Italian control.

Regno d'Albania

Official Name: Regno d'Albania^ItalianKingdom of Albania

Ruling Party: Partia Fashiste Shqiptare^note Albanian Fascist Party

Ideology: Fascism

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• Puppet State: One of the many Italian puppet states that were established from their conquered territory of World War II. That said, Albania was given more autonomy to combat the guerrilla units and bandits who oppose the current fascist administration.
• We ARE Struggling Together: Albania's inability to resolve its internal problems is because there is little to unite the country's various factions to a common cause.

Tefik Mborja

Role: Head of State

Party: Partia Fashiste Shqiptare^note Albanian Fascist Party

Ideology: Fascism

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• The Quisling: When King Zog of Albania was overthrown by the Italians, Mborja was rewarded with the position of General Secretary of the Albanian Fascist Party.

Bulgaria

Tsardom of Bulgaria

^{Flag of the Independent Republic of Bulgaria}

^{Flag of the People's Republic of Bulgaria}

Official Name: Tsardom of Bulgaria, Independent Republic of Bulgaria (Stokykov), Republic of Bulgaria (Petkov), People's Republic of Bulgaria (Zhivkov)

Ruling Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Absolute Monarchy^note Despotism

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• Divide and Conquer: Losing the German garrison after Hitler's death, the Bulgarian monarchy will try to suppress the Macedonian Uprising by isolating the partisan leadership with the police and military, while cutting supply lines between the cells. The strategy can work and reestablish a peaceful "Macedonian Quiet" status quo.
• Enemy Mine: The Fatherland Front is a broad leftists and anti-fascist alliance opposed to the monarchy, made up of left-wing corporatists, agrarian socialists, and communists. If their coup succeeds, they will eventually organize elections to see who will take charge of the country.
• The Federation: Following a potential success in the Gorna Dzhumaya Agreement, Bulgaria and Macedonia will unite together in a single federation. The autonomy of Macedonia in that federation will depend on the outcome of the negotiations.
  • If it is a full federation, each nation will be free to conduct their own domestic policies, but have a shared foreign policy, free trade, and open borders.
  • If autonomy is agreed upon, Macedonia will have less domestic power, only keeping their political autonomy and a recognition of the Macedonian language. This is highly unpopular within Macedonia and will spark protests.
• Gameplay and Story Integration: The world event for Tsar Boris III's death accounts for whether or not he empowered Sevov and his ultranationalists, worsening his reputation. If he did not, the world event portrays him as a much more consequential, if controversial, figure.
• A House Divided: Boris fleeing the country will paralyze all of the conflicting factions, even forcing the Bulgarian troops to be withdrawn from Macedonia because of it. Simeon struggles with appointing a far-right cabinet under outside pressure, the Fatherland Front starts escalating their organized resistance, and neutral officers are reluctant to get involved in the crisis. Inevitably, the division must result in either a Fatherland Front coup or the Cheren Offensive against Macedonia.
• Kangaroo Court: If a fascist Bulgaria's Cheren Offensive against Macedonia succeeds, a tribunal declares Čento guilty of various, trumped up charges and sentence him to death.
• Know When to Fold 'Em: Bulgaria will lost the Cheren Offensive if they cannot take Macedonia within six months. After that timeframe, Bulgaria will recognize that the costs have outweighed the potential gains and withdraw.
• Last of His Kind: Bulgaria is the last absolute monarchy left in Europe and can hold this distinction if the Macedonian Crisis is resolved or if Simeon launches a coup to take power back from the Fatherland Front.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: Each possible Fatherland Front leader uses a failed coup by Simeon to cement their rule, abolish the monarchy, and shape Bulgaria to their whims.
• Occupiers Out of Our Country: Although Bulgaria is independent from Germany, a German garrison was left behind to suppress any dissident activity against them, angering many native Bulgarians who want to expel them. As a result, numerous political groups have united together as an anti-fascist front who wants to shed Bulgaria of any fascist taint left.
• Pyrrhic Victory: Taking advantage of the Axis gains made in the Balkans during World War II, Bulgaria occupied Macedonia to fulfill some of its dreams for expansion. Despite being hailed as Boris' grandest achievement, these regions are as a hotbed for resistance activity, and were nearly lost a decade before 1962. As soon as assisting German forces are pulled out of Macedonia after the German Civil War, Macedonian partisans rise up against their occupiers.
• Quantity Versus Quality: The Bulgarian army is quite large, but it's also extremely bloated and fairly underdeveloped, severely reducing its combat effectiveness.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes: After potentially taking over Bulgaria, the Fatherland Front will conduct negotiations with the recently seceded Macedonia in Gorna Dzhumaya. A successful talk will mend ties with Macedonia, either forming a federation with Macedonia as a puppet state or agreeing to recognize Macedonian autonomy in exchange for demilitarizing the region. However, the negotiation can fail and force Bulgaria into another war with Macedonia.
• La Résistance: The Fatherland Front is a nationalistic, anti-German group that has opposed the government since World War II ended. Today, they serve as a constant threat to the peace and stability of Bulgaria.
• Revolving Door Revolution: The Fatherland Front can coup the monarchy, but Simeon can retaliate by orchestrating another coup and regaining his power.
• Sore Loser: Bulgaria does not take it lightly when Macedonia successfully secedes from them. If Simeon remains in power or negotiations with the Fatherland Front fall through, Bulgaria will try to invade them in the Cheren Offensive in 1967, desperate to retake Macedonia.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork:
  • The military is a powerful force that can even cow the Tsar himself, but factionalism plagues the armed forces, which allows Boris to hold onto some of his authority and avoid becoming a full Puppet King.
  • After a successful Macedonian Crisis, the current Prime Minister Dimitar Peshev will come into conflict with Jordan Sevov and the Bulgarian ultranationalists, vying for Boris III's favor. By 1967, Boris will pick the victor.
  • Zveno, one of the political parties from the Fatherland Front, becomes deeply divided after Georgiev's death and Stoykov struggles to keep them united.
• Villainous Legacy: Hristo Lukov is the founding member of the fascist UNBL and the organization persists long after his death under the leadership of Zhekov.

Boris III

Role: Tsar of the Bulgarians^note Head of State

Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Absolute Monarchy^note Despotism (actual), Stratocracy^note Ultranationalism (Sevov cabinet)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}The tale of Tsar Boris III extends beyond mere biography. For over forty years, the fate of Bulgaria has rested upon the Tsar's shoulders. Every act of heroism is his pride; every act of villainy is his shame. When they are all tallied up, what will his legacy be?

Boris III's allies refuse to ask such a question - they feel they have an answer. With his intelligence and courage, Boris III delivered Macedonia to Bulgaria, saved the nation from fascism, and preserved its independence. This is the story his government tells: simple, clean, and easy to repeat.

Yet behind closed doors, many refuse to believe it. The Tsar has shown a clear trend towards authoritarianism, using harsh repression to maintain his authority. Despite all the pomp and grandeur, Boris III remains a dictator as much as a king - and as a dictator, he can be as stubborn and paranoid as anyone.

Regardless of his legacy, the Tsar's story must soon end. Now deep into his sixties and in poor health, Boris III has begun grooming Prince Simeon to one day take his place. Someday soon, there will be no Boris III - and for good or ill, the tale of the Unifier-King will be complete.

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• Blatant Lies: Bulgarian propaganda reveres Boris III as a hero who expanded his country's domain to Macedonia and preserved its independence from the Axis warpath. However, almost everyone knows that this claim is a lie. In reality, Boris is a ruthless dictator, defined by his stubbornness and pompous arrogance.
• Life Will Kill You: Boris inevitably passes away from old age in 1969. If he was in power, Simeon will become the new Tsar, inheriting the government of his predecessor and being influenced by whether or not Boris squashed the reformists before he died.
• The Paranoiac: Boris III is paranoid of losing his power, which is why he backslid into increasingly dictatorial means to retain his authority.
• Pet the Dog: Boris can heed Bräutigam's request for aid during the Ukrainian Civil War, recalling a beautiful vacation to Theodorichshafen and wanting to repay the favor. The aid isn't much, but Bräutigam takes it as a win. Even if he does reject it, Boris is still courteous enough to personally read and sign the rejection letter, as proven when Bräutigam can smudge his signature.
• Pragmatic Villainy: Even if the Macedonian uprisings are quashed by 1965, Boris will pragmatically recognize that too much oppression drove the people into rebellion and he appoints a more reform-minded cabinet as a remedy. He may later dismiss this cabinet in favor of a reactionary one under Sevov.
• Puppet King: Inverted. Though the Kingdom of Bulgaria is technically a constitutional monarchy, Parliament's edicts and bills mean nothing in comparison compared to the powers of the Tsar, who rules Bulgaria as effectively an absolute monarch. If the 1965 Macedonian uprisings are quelled, Boris III drops the pretense and uses the military to quash anyone who opposes his controversial army reforms, either retaining the mildly reformist cabinet of Dimitar Peshev or appointing an ultranationalist cabinet by Jordan Sevov in 1967.
• Screw This, I'm Outta Here: In the wake of Macedonian uprisings in 1965, Tsar Boris may flee his own country if they aren't quelled, leaving Simeon II to take up the reins where he left off.
• Villain with Good Publicity:
  • Zig-Zagged Everyone knows he's a stubborn dictator and talk of his retirement has become increasingly more common in his advanced age, but most still admire his past accomplishments, which gave even a brief period of prosperity to Bulgaria. With his days numbered, it is up to Boris if he can improve or worsen this reputation.
  • If Boris stays in power and kept a reformist cabinet, he will pass away with a positive legacy still intact, as many remember his conquests, despite the thirty years of absolute repression they experienced. However, this can be downplayed if an ultranationalist cabinet was used; most will express sadness, but the emotional impact is softened by their recent memories of extreme oppression by Boris' hand and his declining health in his final years.
• Villainous Legacy: His passing will have a strong influence on Bulgarian politics, if the monarchy is still in power from crushing the Macedonian Uprising. If he kept the reformist-aligned cabinet, Simeon will keep up the pace. If Boris purged the reformists, Simeon is in a much weaker position to conduct reforms without his allies and the transition of power is uneasy because most suspect that Simeon will not live up to his father. Ideology-wise, Simeon will have semi-constitutional monarchy in the former route and absolute monarchy in the latter route.

Konstantin Partov

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of Government (Boris III cabinet)

Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Absolute Monarchy^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}That Konstantin Partov sits as President of the Council of Ministers is a testament to just how far the once-crucial role has fallen. A drab academic known only for his role in World War II-era repressions, Partov is not the insightful spirit that Bulgaria needs, but the impotent proxy which Boris III desires, brought back after a decade of irrelevance to serve as a Tsar's unpopular stooge.

Perhaps a more able man could rise up from such a position - but President Partov cannot. After five years, he remains chained to the Tsar, unwilling to commit to any policy not proposed by Boris III. Even if the role of President of the Council of Ministers has any value at all, it has become quite clear that Konstantin Partov does not.

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• 0% Approval Rating: Partov is widely disliked as Prime Minister because of his role in World War 2-era suppressions and being a powerless toady whose kept the premiership under Boris' thumb.
• Yes-Man: Partov is a proxy and stooge for Boris, having been brought back as a powerless Prime Minister after a decade of irrelevance. Holding the position for five years, he is unwilling to commit to any policy that is not proposed by Boris himself.

Stanislav Balan

Role: Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship^note Foreign Minister (Boris III cabinet)

Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Absolute Monarchy^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Once the Tsar's secretary, Stanislav Balan has grown into a helpful ally and personal friend to Boris III, distinguished in the Tsar's long line of undistinguished suits. For most of the world, meeting with the Tsar is meeting with Balan - on the level of foreign policy, the men are inseparable.

While perhaps not the best of diplomats, Balan shines in his ability to transform the thoughts and whims of the Tsar into actual policy - namely, the Tsar's beloved push towards neutrality. For now, the plan has worked, but it may not work forever. For all their ties, Balan is strictly secondary to the Tsar himself. And deep down, even Balan has no idea what his friend - and Tsar - might do.

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• Beneath the Mask: As Boris' foreign secretary, Balan has pushed the Tsar's wish for Bulgarian neutrality in geopolitics. However, Balan privately knows that this strategy will not work forever and fears that Boris will never adapt this plan, not even by his imploration because he is ultimately still secondary to the Tsar.
• Mouth of Sauron: Balan is a close friend of Boris and shares his foreign policies. Thus, he was a natural fit as the Tsar's foreign minister and representative on the world stage. He may not be a good diplomat, but he is good at communicating the Tsar's will.
• Old Friend: Balan is Boris' foreign secretary and a firm ally and personal friend to him.

Peter Aladzhov

Role: Minister of Finance^note Economy Minister (Boris III cabinet)

Ideology: Anocracy^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}If the task of a modern Bulgarian minister is to sit down, follow the Tsar's dictums, and think as little as possible, Peter Aladzhov is certainly far outside his purview. One of the richest men in Bulgaria and a star administrator since the later days of World War Two, the man is known to the world as one of the most independent and recognizable figures in all of Boris III's government.

Aladzhov has also grown close ties to the largest voices of reform - mainly, Boris III's heir, Prince Simeon. The two men readily discuss a move away from the dirigisme of the Tsar and towards a free-market economy. For Simeon, it is his closest chance of influencing the current cabinet.

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• Internal Reformist: Aladzhov stands out as one of the few ministers who does not mindlessly follow the whims of Boris and is among those calling for free-market reforms. He is also an inside man to Boris' cabinet for Simeon, Boris' successor and a more reform-minded man.
• Non-Idle Rich: Aladzhov is one of the richest men in Bulgaria, yet has been a highly capable politician since the Second World War and stands out to the international community as an independent figure in Boris' cabinet.

Vasil Boydev

Role: Minister of War^note Security Minister (Boris III cabinet)

Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Absolute Monarchy^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}It would be wonderful to say that Vasil Boydev was selected for the Ministry of War for his many achievements: his revival of the Bulgarian Air Force, his negotiations with Liszt and Hitler, his command during the Vranje Uprising. Yet his choice was made less for his bountiful accomplishments and more for the independence those accomplishments have provided. A man so loved is beholden to no one - and with the military a mess of rowdy ideologues, Boris needed a man who couldn't be persuaded by any one faction of the army.

Of course, there is a downside to such a plan - Boydev is also not beholden to the Tsar. But so long as the two mens' visions are similar, Boris can keep the ally he so desperately needs.

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• The Ace: He has a long list of successes in the Bulgarian armed forces, from reviving the air force to taking leadership during the Vranje Uprising.
• Wild Card: Boydev was chosen as Minister of War because he was independent from the other factions, meaning he wouldn't be swayed by either one and would be a useful ally for Boris. This doesn't exactly mean that Boydev is blindly obedient to the Tsar, but Boris puts up with it out of desperation.

Simeon II

Role: Tsar of the Bulgarians^note Head of State (Boris succession, Monarchist coup)

Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Absolute Monarchy^note Despotism, Semi-Constitutional Monarchy^note Paternalism (Boris III succession), Left-Wing Corporatism^note Paternalism (Puppet)

In-Game Biography (Boris III succession, Macedonian Thaw) ^{Click to Show}Simeon Borisov von Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, now Simeon II, Tsar of Bulgaria, surveys the vistas of his beautiful homeland and eagerly begins to set apart his difficult work after decades spent as his late father's heir.

A reformist, the Tsar spent much of his schooling in the West—or at least those parts of it accessible from within the grasp of Germany and Italy—and came back with hopes of transitioning the Bulgarian state away from the old oligarchical system towards a more free market. Boris III dismissed such suggestions as the fancies of a callow youth... until Bulgaria nearly collapsed during the Macedonian War. That terrible experience was more than enough to convince even Simeon's conservative father that reforms were needed—so the father followed the son, if hesitantly and with small steps of the sort that Simeon had taken when he was young.

But all things come to an end, and Boris has shaken off the mortal coil. The new Tsar has many ambitious ideas, but it is unclear whether he will have as easy a time at convincing the public of his ideas as his gregarious father did.

In-Game Biography (Boris III succession, Boris III fled) ^{Click to Show}Simeon Borisov von Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, now Simeon II, Tsar of Bulgaria, surveys the vistas of his beautiful homeland. It is all he can do to distract himself from the untenability of his situation, for he is woefully underprepared for real rule.

As Crown Prince, the Tsar was educated in those parts of the West that were accessible from within Germany and Italy's grasp. He was taught many theoretically useful things and came back with many ideals and proposals. But the intellectuals that educated him could not give him any hints on how to hold his father's collapsing coalition together, let alone bring it back into prominence. Small wonder, then, that the new Tsar is in such a quandary.

The Macedonian War brought Bulgaria to near-collapse, and now another near-collapse is playing out—the communists and fascists fight amidst each other for control over the Bulgarian nation. But Tsar Simeon Second-of-that-Name can only watch passively as his nation bleeds. What choice does he really have, since his words mean little and his actions still less?

In-Game Biography (Monarchist Coup) ^{Click to Show}Simeon Borisov von Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, now Simeon II, Tsar of Bulgaria, surveys the vistas of his beautiful homeland, and shakes his head grimly. There is much work to be done, and he must be about it.

As Crown Prince, the Tsar was educated in those parts of the West that were accessible from within Germany and Italy's grasp. He was taught many theoretically useful things and came back with many ideals and proposals. But the intellectuals that educated him could not give him any hints on stabilising Bulgaria after Simeon's puppet-masters used him, threw him aside, and were then thrown aside by the Fatherland Front. He needed no Western teachings to call loyal policemen and soldiers to his side and seize power for himself.

The Tsar and his prime minister, the communist-hunting retired police chief Nikola Geshev, are in agreement; Simeon's old reformism is a foible that Bulgaria cannot risk when the situation is as grave as this. Authoritarianism, which after all had kept Bulgaria stable from its re-establishment, must be reembraced if there is to be stability in Bulgaria ever again.

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• Arc Words: All of his biographies start the same way; his full name is spelled out and he admires the vistas on a walk. The biographies diverge from that point, representing how wildly different his reign can be from the same starting point, depending on Bulgaria's political developments.
• The Coup: After being rendered a puppet by the Fatherland Front, Simeon can orchestrate a coup on himself to restore the monarchy's powers, with the help of his military allies.
• Inadequate Inheritor: In a scenario where Boris flees, Simeon is made Tsar under pressure by the military. Simeon is well-aware that he is not prepared for the job at all, much less to save a nation on the verge of collapse.
• Internal Reformist: Being groomed to succeed his father, Simeon plans to implement free-market reforms, stepping away from the dirigisme policies of his predecessor. How far he goes in this respect depends on his own will.
• Like Father, Unlike Son: Zig-Zagged. Simeon is substantially more reform-friendly than Boris, who is a conservative absolute monarchist. Having spent much of his education in the west, Simeon returned to Bulgaria with the hope of moving away from the oligarchic system and towards a more free-market model. However, it is also possible for him to shed this after the Fatherland Front coup and rule similarly to his father, thinking that authoritarianism is what's needed to save Bulgaria.
• Overly Long Name: His full name is Simeon Borisov von Saxe-Coburg-Gotha.
• The Puppet Cuts His Strings: After being puppetted by the Fatherland Front, Simeon II may regain control over his country through a coup and an alliance with police chief Nikola Geshev.
• Puppet King: When the Fatherland Front succeeds in their coup, they'll put Simeon under house arrest and turn him into a powerless figurehead, potentially abolishing the monarchy at some point and establishing a republic in their own image.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: Unlike Boris, Simeon does want to reduce the autocratic powers of the Tsar and turn Bulgaria into a constitutional monarchy. Downplayed in the anti-Fatherland Front coup, as he rejects his old reformist mindset and embraces authoritarianism for the sake of restoring Bulgaria's stability.
• Took a Level in Cynic: After being treated as a puppet by the Fatherland Front, Simeon II disdains his old reformist mindset and decides that Bulgaria can only be kept stable by a firm hand.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: If the Monarchist coup takes place and Simeon II is restored to power, he decides that the authoritarianism he rejected for reformism must be embraced if there is to be stability in Bulgaria ever again.
• You Are in Command Now: If Boris flees under pressure from radicals in the army, Simeon is unexpectedly made the new Tsar and pressure by the far-right to appoint a retired fascist military as his Prime Minister, maintaining the absolute monarchy.
• You Have Failed Me: Inverted. Flubbing the Cheren Offensive against Macedonia will shatter a lot of faith in Simeon's leadership and result in his inevitable assassination by the UNBL or Ratniks.

Jordan Sevov

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of Government (Reactionary Boris III cabinet)

Party: Praviteslvoto na Tsaria^note Tsar's Government

Ideology: Stratocracy^note Ultranationalism

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• Evil Reactionary: After Boris III crushes the Macedonian uprising and potentially purges his cabinet of any reformists, he nominates Sevov as his new Prime Minister, who will take Bulgaria down a far-right direction.
• Red Baron: The press calls Sevov "Bulgaria's Rasputin", due to being the leading conservative voice in Boris III's cabinet.
• Warhawk: Sevov has militaristic ambitions to invade Bulgaria's neighbors and become the dominant power in the Balkans.

Kimon Georgiev

Role: Prime Minister^note Head of Government (Puppet Simeon II cabinet)

Party: Zveno^note Link

Ideology: Left-Wing Corporatism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography (Prime Minister) ^{Click to Show} Kimon Georgiev, the old coup-maker, is perhaps the only man in Bulgaria to near the veneration and respect of Boris III himself. Involved in three separate coup d'etats over five decades, Georgiev founded the Zveno organization, even briefly ruling as Prime Minister in 1934. Though he has been under house arrest ever since, he remained influential in the armed forces. Using these connections, he aided in the revival of the long-shelved Fatherland Front - and with his skills, got them to power.

Since then, Georgiev has been a fairly quiet ruler, content to let younger members of his staff work beneath him. Georgiev is old now - and the true work, liberation, is already complete.

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• Allohistorical Allusion: Like in our timeline, Georgiev and the Fatherland Front can launch a coup against the Tsarist, pro-German government after Germany's sphere of influence becomes unstable, albeit two decades later than the one which happened in real life.
• Cincinnatus: By the time the Fatherland Front overthrows the monarchy, Georgiev himself begins to move away from the center stage and lets his younger allies work more independently, now that his mission for Bulgaria's independence has been fulfilled.
• The Coup: In case of Macedonia's split from Bulgaria, Georgiev and the Fatherland Front may launch a coup against the autocratic Tsardom and declare a return to democracy in its wake, rendering Simeon their puppet until the kingdom can be abolished.
• Life Will Kill You: Georgiev inevitably passes away in late 1969, depriving Zveno of their longtime leader.
• Living Legend: Georgiev is a man who commands respect and admiration throughout Bulgaria as the founder of Zveno and his involvement in three coups. Even after being placed under house arrest since 1935, Georgiev continued to influence the armed forces and protected the Fatherland Front, before potentially helping the latter come into power.
• The Purge: Georgiev will follow up the Fatherland Front coup with a purge of the remaining fascist and conservative figures loyal to the monarchy.
• Realpolitik: Bulgaria starts off in the Einheitspakt, but Georgiev temporarily switches to the Italian sphere after the Fatherland Front coup, until someone gets elected or Simeon is restored to power.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: He had a personal feud with Dimo Kazasov, a high-ranking member of Zveno. This contributed to the latter being sidelined most of the time.

Todor Zhivkov

Role: Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship^note Foreign Minister (Puppet Simeon II cabinet), General Secretary of the Communist Party^note Head of State (Fatherland Front election)

Party: Otechestven Front - Balgarska Komunisticheska Partiya^note Fatherland Front - Bulgarian Communist Party

Ideology: National Communism^note Communism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Todor Zhivkov has spent the last decades consolidating his power - the power of himself over his state, and the power of his state over his party. The result, after a failed monarchist coup, is a communist Bulgaria - with Zhivkov at the head.

Despite his decades of struggle in the name of the revolution, Zhivkov is not without controversy, both from within communist circles and without. Unlike figures such as Ranković, Zhivkov is not especially expansionist, but he still has incorporated nationalist views hailing from the monarchist-era into his vision for Bulgaria. He continues to claim Macedonia, to connect his reign to traditional Bulgarian national heroes, and to maintain a relationship with the Church. His promotion of his own daughter to the ministry of Art and Culture had also ruffled some feathers.

Not only does Zhivkov draw ire from many communists for his nationalism, but also for his internationalism. He readily works with capitalist powers such as the OFN, and even works to normalize relations with nearby Balkan states. Nevertheless, while these decisions may anger hardliners, Zhivkov's same policies have made him beloved in the eyes of the common people.

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• Enemy Mine: Zhivkov is a communist^note He was the most pro-Soviet leader among the Eastern Bloc in OTL, but he will work with the OFN, Italy and Turkey to back his regime and discourage a German invasion.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: Zhivkov is controversial among communist circles because he is willing to work with the church, contrasting with the wide public support he gets for this same policy.
• In Spite of a Nail: Zhivkov and the BKP can still come to power and he has similar policies to the ones he had in real life, including nationalist views and the promotion of his daughter to the Ministry of Art and Culture.
• Nepotism: Zhivkov promotes his daughter to the Ministry of Art and Culture, which makes all the more controversial in his party.
• Patriotic Fervor: Though not hawkish, Zhivkov uses nationalist rhetoric to inspire morale from the people, pushing Bulgaria's claim over Macedonia and comparing himself to traditional Bulgarian heroes.
• The Purge: Upon being elected, Zhivkov reduces many of the other parties to minor roles while he guides the nation towards his own brand of nationalistic communism.
• Realpolitik: Despite facing opposition from more hardline communists in the party, Zhivkov will normalize relations with Bulgaria's neighbors to dissuade potential conflict with them.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: Zhivkov has a divisive reputation in his party, as some criticize his open nationalism and internationalist foreign policy with Bulgaria's neighbors and the capitalist OFN.

Nikola Petkov

Role: Minister of Finance^note Economy Minister (Puppet Simeon II cabinet), Prime Minister^note Head of State (Fatherland Front election)

Party: Otechestven Front - Balgarski Zemedelski Naroden Sayuz "Pladne"^note Fatherland Front - Bulgarian Agrarian National Union "Pladne"

Ideology: Agrarian Socialism^note Socialism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Nikola Dimitro Petkov lived more than long enough to see Bulgarian democracy die once before, and that despite his every attempt to save it. He saw Aleksander Stamboliyski fall in a coup and fled to Paris. When he returned he was sent to and from prison camps throughout Bulgaria until the repression at last began to ease up a bit. Many people who met Petkov came to believe what one journalist said of him: "I have known no nobler friend of common people, no stauncher anti-Fascist, no more devoted democrat."

The Fatherland Front's reign progressed, autocracy grew, and Petkov realized that democracy could well die a second time unless he unified his efforts with that of the whole of the BZNS (instead of the factions closest to him) and formed a front against autocrats on all sides.

When Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha's failed coup began, Petkov seized the opportunity that the Lord had clearly presented him and used it as a pretext to remove not just the Tsar but all the autocratic scum that had been ruining Bulgaria for years. In their place, Petkov enthroned true multiparty democracy in Bulgaria.

The question of democracy remains up in the air. Bulgarian Agrarianism as represented by the BZNS has struggled with party democracy because of the long and often antidemocratic legacy of Stamboliyski. But Nikola Petkov has sworn a vow to the God he loves, and who loves him: so long as he remains on Earth, Bulgarian parliamentary democracy will not die without a fight.

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• The Determinator: Petkov's election means uniting the Fatherland Front's pro-democratic groups with the BZNS' anti-democratic elements created from the legacy of Aleksandar Stamboliyski. It will be a struggle to do so, but he vows to not rest until Bulgaria has fully democratized and will push this goal until his dying breath.
• Honor Before Reason: Witnessing the Fatherland Front begin to backslide into autocracy, Petkov unified the BZNS to stand against them rather than continue favoring the factions closest to him.
• The Purge: After Simeon II's failed coup, Petkov can seize the opportunity to purge Bulgaria of any potential dictatorial figures who would dare overthrow the country's fragile democratic system.
• Real Men Love Jesus: Petkov is a Christian who prays for God's blessing in his difficult mission to protect Bulgaria's multiparty democracy.

Hristo Stoykov

Role: Head of State (Fatherland Front election)

Party: Otechestven Front - Zveno^note Fatherland Front - Link

Ideology: Left-Wing Corporatism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Hristo Styokov is not the true leader of the Zveno-ruled Independent Republic of Bulgaria. In the aftermath of the death of Kimon Georgiev Stoyanov, neither Stoykov nor anyone else had the stature to lead alone. No, Stoykov merely forms part of a trifecta of leaders, each playing to a different side of the coalition that props up the Zveno regime, which sorely needs propping up. With resistance to the unpopular authoritarianism and inefficient corporatism of Zveno growing left, right, and center, the triumvirate's services will all be needed - at least for the moment.

Stoykov, who connected Georgiev to the nationalists and the agrarians, is the champion of the radical militarists, those closest to the late Georgiev's technocratic, authoritarian vision. Stancho Cholakov, the Prime Minister, is the visionary in charge of the crowd of Zveno-aligned bureaucrats, who form the heart of the Bulgarian government. Then there is Dimo Kazasov, minister of defense - easily the most distinguished, but sidelined due to his right-wing alignment and personal feud with Georgiev.

These three will now govern. But until they can grow their influence, even this trifecta when unified cannot hope to match the strength of the man they have lost.

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• Non-Indicative Name: Downplayed. While Stoykov's Independent Republic of Bulgaria is not under direct control by another country, Italy does dominate their economic trade and has significant control over their foreign policy (forcing them to align with either the CPS or the OFN if Italy joins either bloc).
• Puppet King: Downplayed. While not a puppet, Stoykov is dependent on his allies to prop up their rule, since Zveno has multiple interest groups and is growing increasingly unpopular with their authoritarianism.
• Taking Up the Mantle: After Georgiev's passing, Stoykov is part of the triumvirate to take his place as Zveno's leader, closely aligning with his technocratic, authoritarian vision.
• Unfit for Greatness: Neither he or the senior members of Zveno have been able to match the greatness of Georgiev's legacy and the best Stoykov can do is rule Bulgaria in a triumvirate, unable to hold power alone.

Todor Zhekov

Role: Minister of War^note Security Minister (Cheren Offensive Simeon II cabinet), Head of State (Sofia Bombing coup)

Party: Sayuz na Balgarskite Natsionalni Legioni^note Union of Bulgarian National Legions

Ideology: Fascism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}When Todor Zhekov first found glory on the battlefield, the poison of fascism was already in his head. Already, he imagined a better Bulgaria, one in which the Macedonians knew their place, one in which all its lost land returned home. Yet on that fateful day, he could not have known that he would one day be the man to lead it.

His life as a dictator began that day in Vranya. In the last days of the uprising, it was his army who took the town of Vranya and sent Koliševski to be hanged. He returned to Sofia a hero, emboldened to speak openly on his far-right ideals. In a nation reeling from the loss of Thrace and the instability in Macedonia, he found his audience: a youthful rabble to call his own.

Soon, Zhekov became the favorite child of the fascist idolizer, a man who represented the aggressive and violent individualism of fascism movement. When Hristo Lukov died, the UNBL elected Zhekov to lead it, placing the general in charge of Bulgaria's largest fascist movement and functionally at the head of the far-right overall.

Over his life, Zhekov has seen many movements like his fail. He watched the old UNBL calcify under Lukov and his uncle. He watched Alexander Tsankov flail and collapse. Those men refused the call of their nation - but Zhekov will listen, and Zhekov will fight. On the battlefield, he fought to the death - now, his country will do the same.

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• Blood Knight: Zhekov relishes in the glory of fighting on the battlefield and is the biggest representative for the aggressive and violent individualism of fascism movement in Bulgaria.
• The Coup: Zhekov can rise to power in an orchestrated assassination of Simeon II and subsequent purge by the UNBL that secures his hold over the country.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: Given his heavy saber-rattling and belligerence, Zhekov is treated as an outcast by the other Balkan nations.
• General Ripper: Zhekov is a Bulgarian general who crushed numerous revolts and became leader of the UNBL after Hristo Lukov's death, acting as a saber-rattling fascist who appeals to the war-obsessed far-right.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: He considers Macedonians as a lesser race occupying "rightful" Bulgarian territory.
• The Purge: After the Sofia Bombing, Zhekov secures power by conducting purges throughout the country.
• Rabble Rouser: Zhekov's greatest weapon is harnessing the disgruntled youth's anger, exploiting the instability in Macedonia and discontent over losing Western Thrace to Turkey, and generating popular support for himself.
• Villain with Good Publicity: His crushing of the Vranje Uprising and hanging of Lazar Koliševski, a communist partisan, made him a hero in the Bulgarians' eyes. More unpromisingly, it allowed Zhekov to become more open about his far-right views.
• Voluntary Vassal: Zhekov applies Bulgaria to be a Bündnispartner who submits to Germany and joins Zollverein.
• Warhawk: Militarism is given heavy focus by Zhekov and he expects every person in Bulgaria to carry out his hawkish vision.

Asen Kantardzhiev

Role: Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship^note Foreign Minister (Cheren Offensive Simeon II cabinet), Head of State (Sofia Bombing Coup)

Party: Ratnitsi^note Ratniks

Ideology: National Socialism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Even as he ascends to the head of Bulgaria, Asen Kantardzhiev is an unknown, an anonymous Führer. Even close followers of his party know him as little more than a name on a wall. Yet make no mistake - all of this was planned. This moment, this revolution, was the dream.

The dream began three decades earlier, in a small room in Sofia. A veteran of the Great War, Kantardzhiev came back to a nation in need of order, stability, purity. Yet in the paranoia that followed Zveno's fall, Kantardzhiev knew Boris would destroy any threatening organization - at least, any he could see.

Instead of integrating with the military as the UBNL did, Kantardzhiev moved to the shadows. His "party" proved more conspiracy than party, influenced by Freemason societies. It worked. No matter how often he was arrested, beaten, banned, his party grew behind him, organizing autonomous pogroms, worming into Boris III's cabinet.

Now, surrounded by the blood of fallen allies, Kantardzhiev rules alone. Now, few can tell what will follow next. Kantardzhiev always spoke of violence and might, saving a nation by reminding it of God and Tsar - but these are the words of a fascist, as weak and disposable as tissues. What will truly follow, no one can say but Kantardzhiev - and he is not one to tell.

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• Beneath Notice: Kantardzhiev knew that Boris would eliminate any organization he viewed as a threat to his power, so he took his supporters underground, slowly building his power and avoiding as much attention as possible.
• The Coup: If the Cheren Offensive takes place or the Fatherland Front takes over Bulgaria, Kantardzhiev may launch a coup by assassinating Simeon II and launching a relentless series of purges against the UNBL.
• Long Game: Unlike the UNBL, Kantardzhiev refuse to integrate the Ratniks into the military and instead took them underground. From there, Kantardzhiev plotted the Ratniks' gradual rise to power by conspiracy, gathering more followers, organizing pogroms, and infiltrating Boris' cabinets. No matter how many times Kantardzhiev was arrested, attacked, or banned, his party continued to grow and can potentially become powerful enough to take over the country.
• The Purge: Even after he secures leadership of Bulgaria, he publicly announces a renewed series of purges in the government to "renew" the country in his vision.
• The Spook: Kantardzhiev is an enigmatic figure and not even his close followers know him as anything but a name on a wall. By the time he seizes power, he outwardly sets typical far-right goals of using violence and reminding Bulgaria of God and the Tsar. However, no one knows how much of this is a façade or how he will carry them out.
• Voluntary Vassal: Kantardzhiev submits Bulgaria to Germany, becoming a Bündnispartner to the Einheitspakt and joining Zollverein.

Macedonia

^{Flag of the People's Republic of Macedonia}

Official Name: Democratic Federal Macedonia, People's Republic of Macedonia (Failed Gorna Dzhumaya talks)

Ruling Party: Narodnoosloboditelna vojska i partizanski odredi na Makedonija^note National Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Macedonia

Ideology: Partisan Movement^note Despotism

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• Hated by All: Macedonia is hated by nearly every one of its neighbors, except for Turkey, because they place claims on their territory. However, even Turkey isn't willing to throw their full weight behind Macedonia, only offering a statement of support instead of official recognition. If Macedonia survives the Cheren Offensive, they will maintain their independence, but head towards an uncertain future with this reputation.
• The Hermit: Under Apostolski, Macedonia will close itself off from the international community and militarize out of paranoia to outside threats.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: After Hitler's death and the subsequent Serbian Civil War, Bulgaria's hold over Macedonia starts slipping because the German garrison that they were relying on to keep the peace is withdrawn to Serbia. The Macedonian partisans seize their opportunity and take the town of Bitola to form their own governing assembly. As a result, the region becomes a demilitarized zone and Bulgaria has until 1965 to pacify the region or else face political crisis when Macedonia secedes.
• Occupiers Out of Our Country: Macedonia has struggled for its independence in the past 50 years, with Bulgaria being their latest occupier after World War II.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes: Recently seceding from Bulgaria, Macedonia could reconcile with their former oppressor when the Fatherland Front takes power and sets up talks in Gorna Dzhumaya. This could mean a reorganization of Macedonia as a puppet state in a federation with Bulgaria or a demilitarization of Macedonia in exchange for Bulgaria recognizing their independence. However, some Macedonians like Apostolski hate the idea, even if this means starting another war with Bulgaria.
• Sinister Surveillance: Under Apostolski, the people of Macedonia are surveilled for any sign of treachery to his regime.
• Still Wearing the Old Colors: The NOV i POM partisans have shifted away from communist doctrine in favor of nationalism, but they still utilize communist imagery to represent themselves, such as a red star on their flag.
• Victory by Endurance: Bulgaria can invade them in the Cheren Offensive, in which Macedonia will need to hold out for six months before Bulgaria gives up and retreats. The Macedonians use the hilly terrain to delay the Bulgarian invaders and raise the costs of their offensive.
• You Cannot Kill An Idea: Bulgaria has occupied Macedonia for two decades, but the partisan movement continues to fight for their independence. Bulgaria can subdue the region, but they can never fully kill the minor insurgencies or the idea of Macedonian nationalism.

Metodija Andonov-Čento

Role: Head of State

Party: Narodnoosloboditelna vojska i partizanski odredi na Makedonija^note National Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Macedonia, Vnatrešna Makedonska Revolucionerna Ogranizacija - Demokratska Partija za Makedonsko Nacionalno Edinstvo^note Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization - Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (Federation), Sojuz na Komunistite na Makedonija^note League of Communists of Macedonia (Federation)

Ideology: Partisan Movement^note Despotism, Social Nationalism^note Paternalism (Federation), National Communism^note Communism (Federation)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}The battle for Macedonia has been endless. Over twenty years, Metodija Andonov-Čento has watched his friends and family perish, as his nation burned under royalist captors. But take one look in his eyes, and you will know that the war has been worth it. Macedonia would be worth anything he could give.

Born under the chains of the Ottoman Empire, Andonov-Čento has watched his nation fall under every one of Macedonia's conquerors. After thirty years, he took to protesting - and later, to arms. Andonov-Čento proved to be an adept general, and soon the de-facto leader of the partisans.

Under his rule, the Partisans moved away from strict communism and towards inclusive, unfettered nationalism. It has proven effective, despite the qualms of former hardliners. Almost every Macedonian has something to support in Andonov-Čento; almost every Macedonian joined him in the streets when his forces took Skopje.

Now, Macedonia is free at last - a fifty-year struggle has been realized. There is far more to be done - a language to codify, lands to liberate, a government to define. Yet for just a moment, there is time to take a breath. Nowhere on Earth is the air as sweet as in Macedonia.

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• Broken Pedestal: Čento leads the partisan movement, but he is willing to negotiate with Bulgaria if the Fatherland Front is in power. However, regardless of the outcome, he's bound to upset the Macedonian nationalists who have not forgiven Bulgaria yet, especially if Čento gives a deal very favorable to them.
• Category Traitor: Čento's willingness to compromise with Bulgaria makes him perceived as a traitor by his more radical allies, especially by Apostolski.
• The Determinator: Čento's decades-long fight for Macedonian independence since the days of Bulgarian occupation. During his time as a partisan, he's witnessed most of his family and friends get killed, but his efforts finally pay off when Macedonia is finally freed during the German Civil War.
• The Exile: If Apostolski takes over Macedonia, Čento will be forced into exile, while his country shrinks into isolation.
• Hanging Around: If he loses the Cheren Offensive, Čento will be judged guilty for his accused crimes against Bulgaria and hung as punishment.
• Patriotic Fervor: Čento is a Macedonian nationalist who took up arms with the partisans to liberate it from Bulgaria. Under his de-facto leadership, Čento has moved the partisans away from a strictly communist movement to a broader nationalistic one.
• Punished for Sympathy: His potential negotiations to join Bulgaria in a federation may incite a coup from Apostolski, who refuses to align with Bulgaria in any capacity.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: Čento fights against Bulgaria's oppression of Macedonians, but he is open to negotiation if Bulgaria will give them concessions and treat them more fairly.
• Rebel Leader: A Macedonian nationalist, Čento has waged a guerrilla war against Bulgaria for his country's independence.
• We Used to Be Friends: Negotiating with the Fatherland Front will inevitably sour Čento's relationship with his former ally, Apostolski, potentially culminating in a coup by the latter.
• Wild Card: Čento's ideology is vaguely left-wing, capable of switching to social nationalism or national communism when a federation is formed with Bulgaria.

Mijajlo Apostolski

Role: Security Minister (Andonov-Čento cabinet), Head of State (Failed Gorna Dzhumaya talks)

Party: Sojuz na Komunistite na Makedonija^note League of Communists of Macedonia

Ideology: National Communism^note Communism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}In another world, perhaps Mihajlo Apostolski and Metodija Andonov-Čento could have lived each other's lives. Two men stood ready to save Macedonia. Two men devoted their lives to its liberation. Two men lived to see it free.

Yet one became lost. Too willing to accommodate the Bulgarian reactionaries, he gradually alienated his base of Macedonian youths, whose dreams of independence he slowly sold away. When Andonov-Čento flew too close to the sun, Apostolski returned to cut off his wings.

Now leader of Macedonia, Apostolski's fears has come to dominate Macedonian life. A scholar as much as a warrior, he has long written of Bulgaria as a nation of oppressors, from which Macedonia must defend. With hostile forces surrounding him, the chairman saw no choice but to lock Macedonia off from the world.

Now, Macedonia is independent - fiercely independent, with a growing army and a mess of fortifications in every city. Yet Bulgarians live as second-class citizens, and even Macedonians must watch for government eyes. Apostolski is not a cruel man, but he demands freedom for his nation. Until the world accepts Macedonia, he will never emerge from the fortress he has made.

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• Dirty Communists: Despite having good intentions, he rules as an iron-fisted dictator who oppresses his own people and especially the Bulgarians in Macedonia.
• The Paranoiac: Apostolski sees the outside world as an enemy to Macedonia and constantly worries about Bulgarian aggression. He rapidly militarizes the country with extensive fortifications and soldiers, in case anyone tries to invade.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: Out of revenge for Bulgaria's oppression against Macedonians, Apostolski treats the Bulgarians in his country like second-class citizens, even if they had nothing to do with Boris III's regime.
• Rebel Leader: Apostolski stood alongside Čento in his mission to liberate Macedonia from Bulgarian occupation.
• We Used to Be Friends: Apostolski stood alongside Čento in fighting for Macedonia's freedom. Unfortunately, this relationship rapidly deteriorates if Čento starts negotiating with the Fatherland Front, which can culminate in Apostolski overthrowing and exiling Čento.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: He obeys a belligerent foreign policy against his neighbors and often resorts to dictatorial actions because he deems them precautions against a seemingly hostile world out to destroy Macedonia.

Greece

Hellenic State

^{Flag of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece}

^{Flag of the Greek People's Republic}

^{Flag of the Kingdom of Greece/Hellenic Union}

Official Name: Hellenic State, Provisional Democratic Government of Greece (EAM war), Greek People's Republic (EAM victory), Kingdom of Greece (Monarchy reestablished), Hellenic Union (Grivas), Hellenic National State (Poulos)

Ruling Party: Ethniki Enosis Ellados^note National Union of Greece

Ideology: Fascism

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• Army of Thieves and Whores: The Security Battalions (Tagmata Asfaleias) established during the Second World War is a ragtag anti-partisan paramilitary unit largely made up of members from the National Union of Greece (EEE) and the Greek National Socialist Party (EESK) that frequently partakes in banditry in the name of fighting the National Liberation Front (EAM). Many of their members are also regular farmers who oppose the EAM, fearing that they would destroy their livelihoods. With greater autonomy granted under President Pangalos, they are also exempt from most legal punishment. They are handy tools for exerting the puppet regime's power and are relied upon when a fascist Italy defeats an EAM-led Greece.
• Les Collaborateurs: The current Greek government was set up by the Axis during World War II. The ruling party is the National Union of Greece (EEE), a previously minor fascist party formed in the 1920's and opportunistically rose to power off the backs of Italy. It continues to survive only because of the Italian occupation and the Security Battalions that act as a paramilitary, anti-partisan death squad.
• Corrupt Politician: The Greek government is plagued by rampant corruption and cronyism.
• The Dreaded: The EAM is feared by the collaborators and even Italy, if they take power. Once news of their takeover spreads, Italy scrambles for an invasion, fearing that a Red Greece will set a precedent of defiance against them.
• Enemy Mine:
  • The EDES and EAM temporarily work together when they try to topple the Themelis government in 1963.
  • If the EAM takes over Greece, the EDES will form a temporary truce to stay united against the Italian invasion. Once the war is won, they immediately go back to being rivals.
• Failed State: The collaborationist government is on its last legs in 1962, barely able to exert their authority and entirely dependent on the Italians. Deeply unpopular and unable to stem the partisans still waging a guerrilla war, the Hellenic State is doomed to fall after the Italo-Turkish War, either to the EDES or the EAM.
• The Famine: During the Second World War, a combination of plunder and anti-partisan warfare led to an apocalyptic famine within Greece, killing hundreds of thousands. Greece still struggles to recover economically, and the people continue to be haunted by memories of the famine. The government blames the partisans on the famine and Prime Minister Georgios Mercouris issued the Food Requisition Order in 1947 to allow the Ministry of Agriculture to seize foodstuffs and prioritize the distribution of food towards those who work for the Greek and Italian governments. Anyone who refuses to comply is accused of working with the partisans and regarded as traitors, being "dealt with as such". The legacy of this famine and the Axis response to it are still felt in the country, as they struggle to recover economically.
• Government in Exile: The old king George II fled Greece after its invasion, with the monarchy being eventually abolished in his absense by Theodoros Pangalos and a republic being declared. However, George's grandson, Constantine, can potentially return to Greece if Velouchiotis' revolution is put down by a democratic Italy, leading to the staunchly royalist NOX taking power and restoring the monarchy.
• History Repeats: Observers will comment on Italy repeating the 1941 invasion of Greece, after the EAM overthrow the collaborators and dare Italy to attack. The sentiment gets even stronger if Italy defeats Greece in the lopsided battle.
• Karma Houdini: Many less prominent collaborators escape retribution when the partisans take power, since the new regime lacks the resources to catch all of them. In the case of an EAM victory, they look forward to assisting the Italian invasion and scraping their way back to power.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: As the Italo-Turkish War rages on, the Greek partisans amplify their activities against the weakened puppet regime and pave the way for an eventual takeover.
• Necessarily Evil: Even if the EDES overthrows the collaborationist republic, they may reach a negotiation with Italy to stay in their sphere and avert a catastrophic invasion.
• Puppet State: The Greek government is filled with Italian staff who have the authority to approve, counter-sign and override decisions made by the Hellenic State, a constant reminder that their state's existence is solely due to the Italian Empire's "generosity".
• Pyrrhic Victory: When the Greek resistance movements liberate their country from the collaborators, Italy will invade them again to bring Greece back into their sphere of influence. However, if the Italians win, they'll be stuck managing a restless population that still despises their presence and awaits an opportunity to rebel in the future.
• Red Scare: The KKE and associated EAM are treated as the primary antagonist by the collaborationist government. The KKE has been banned in Greece since 1938 and most of the efforts of the Security Battalions in the 1950s were targeted towards the EAM. Some KKE meetings are still allowed to continue to bring disillusioned communist partisans out of the EAM and into the open, so long as they continue to be a controlled opposition.
• The Remnant:
  • If the EAM successfully leads the socialist revolution to victory in Greece and subsequently neither fully beats back the Italian invaders nor gets fully defeated, the Italian collaborators will set up a rival government in the territories that the socialists failed to hold on to.
  • Also, in an EAM victory, there are remnant fascists, monarchists, liberals, and other anti-communists who are happy to be ruled by them. The fascists post the most significant threat, since they tried to help Italy in their invasion and conduct sabotage against the new government. NOX grows with defectors from the old Greek military, some turncoat republicans form a truce with the monarchists, and the EDES still lurks as a potential rival.
• La Résistance:
  • The collaborationist government is burdened by two resistance groups, the left-wing National Liberation Movement led by Aris Velouchiotis which includes the banned Communist Party of Greece and the liberal National Republican Greek League led by Dimitrios Psarros.
  • There are a number of other smaller partisan organizations that do not operate in the spotlight, preferring to evade attention from the collaborators. The Greek government even considers the possibility of there being resistance organizations that they are unaware of.
• The Rival: While both wish to liberate Greece, the EAM and EDES are rivals who cannot reconcile their visions of what Greece should look like. If the EDES takes over, the EAM will continue to fight in the rural areas of central and northern Greece, ruling a "mountain government" that challenges the official republic.
• Surprisingly Realistic Outcome: Even if the Greek partisans overthrow the EEE regime, their influence won't magically disappear overnight. Many of the collaborators evade capture and are near impossible to track down, while the corrupt elite who benefited from the old system will throw their support to the retaliatory Italian invasion, crippling the rebels' defensive positions and stacking the odds against them.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork:
  • Downplayed for the EDES. After deposing the collaborators, they fiercely debate on how to build their representative democracy, but matters do settle and elections are organized in 1964 and 1968.
  • Italy may allow a democratic Greece to remain in their sphere, but all of Greece's elected Presidents will try to distance themselves from their overseer.
• Villainous Legacy: Two decades of occupation, plunder, and partisan warfare have left the Greek economy devastated, worsened by Italian companies outcompeting smaller industries and an inefficient agricultural sector. There is a small class of Greek elites who have profited off of this suffering and will remain fascist sympathizers, no matter what happens in the country. Dealing with these issues will be a necessity for the EDES or EAM governments.
• You Cannot Kill An Idea: The idea of an independent Greece has persisted, two decades after the Axis invaded and set up a puppet regime. Even if Italy defeats an EAM-led Greece, they are left fighting a native resistance, stronger than ever and an extreme burden on the occupational force.

Georgios Themelis

Role: President^note Head of State

Party: Ethniki Enosis Ellados^note National Union of Greece

Ideology: Fascism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Just as modern Greece is a dim shadow of the world-spanning empire of Alexander, so Georgios Themelis is to his deceased predecessor, Theodoros Pangalos. Where Pangalos was defined by bold action, seizing power from the collaborator government and convincing Italy to allow him to restore stability to Greece, Themelis has muddled his way through leadership with little action of distinction. Where Pangalos commanded the loyalty of the Security Battalions and had at least the appearance of a plan for Greece, Themelis barely commands the loyalty of his own government and has allowed its endemic corruption to bubble over into the public eye.

The president is not unaware of the precarious situation in which his state exists, despite the grumblings about his inaction which can be heard in every bar and eatery of Athens, but he has greater concerns than the petty worries of the common people. He is first beholden to his Italian overlords, who have tolerated his government for the lack of trouble it presents to them, and second to the clique of officers who have been appeased by what they have been permitted to steal. Themelis himself is no stranger to feathering his own nest at the expense of the Greek people, but sometimes he does wonder how long this state of affairs can last.

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• 0% Approval Rating: Themelis commands little loyalty from the government he leads, much less the people of Greece, while his Italian overlords just see him as a useful tool to maintain their control over the country.
• Corrupt Politician: Themelis enriches himself at the expense of the Greek people, while enabling the Italians and Security Batallions to plunder the country.
• Inadequate Inheritor: Themelis is viewed poorly compared to his predecessor Theodoros Pangalos. Generally, Themelis is perceived as an incapable leader who has done nothing noteworthy and can barely command the respect of his own government.
• Puppet King: President Themelis is but a puppet for the Italian occupation authority and the collaborator militias, who hold true power.
• Sacrificial Lion: Themelis is ousted and killed by one of the partisan groups shortly after the Italo-Turkish War, showing how strong they've gotten.
• The Quisling: Themelis leads the Italian puppet regime ever since they occupied Greece in World War II, having previously been the Prefect of Pella under the collaborationist regime.

Dimitrios Psarros

Role: President^note Head of State (EDES Revolt)

Party: Prosoriní Dimokratikí Ethnikí Kyvérnisi^note Provisional Democratic National Government

Ideology: Interim Government^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Whether the King in Athens or the King in Rome, Greece has long been vexed by the various cruelties imposed by despots on the people. After decades of plunder by amoral tyrants, the country has never been poorer or weaker. Yet the spirit of resistance remains deeply embedded in the people, as Greece's bravest sons risk their lives to build a future they may never live to see. Few have risked as much or fought as long as Dimitrios Psarros, one of the most respected figures of the Greek resistance.

Psarros, born in an unremarkable village in central Greece, became a steadfast servant of his country at a young age, fighting in a variety of conflicts throughout the 1910's. A fervent believer in the liberal-nationalist ideology of Eleftherios Venezelos, Psarros eagerly defected to the pro-Entente National Defense government during the First World War and would later join the failed Venizelist coup in 1935. While certain other Venizelists saw the Italian invasion as an opportunity to topple the monarchy, Psarros saw only the replacement of one King with another, and he went underground as a freedom fighter. His resistance group EKKA was small but well respected, and ideological similarities to EDES saw their consolidation postwar.

After the collapse of the Gizikis government, Psarros received the temporary title of president due to his status and popularity. He and his brothers in arms at EDES are at the cusp of achieving their dream of a free Greek republic, but a number of challenges still sit in their path. An ongoing communist insurgency and utter economic devastation imperil the new Greece, but if Psarros can successfully manage them he has all he needs to establish a nation that would make Venizelos proud.

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• Cincinnatus: After the EDES successfully frees Greece from Italian occupation, Psarros will be sworn in as the Hellenic Republic's first president, but only intends to retain power until the nation is stable enough for him to step down.
• The Determinator: Psarros is one of the most well-respected resistance leaders in Greece for his bravery and commitment against tyranny. He has been a firm liberal since the 1910's, having joined the pro-Entente government and partook in a vailed Venizelist coup in 1935.
• Historical Relationship Overhaul: Psarros founded and led the EKKA partisan group in OTL. In this timeline, this still happens, but he merges the EKKA with the EDES after the war because of their ideological similarities, meaning that Psarros now leads the EDES.
• Old Soldier: Psarros was involved in various conflicts in the 1910's, before defecting to the pro-Entente National Defense Government during the First World War.
• Rebel Leader: Psarros is the leader of the EDES, the Venizelist resistance group fighting against the Italian-aligned regime over Greece.
• Short-Lived Leadership: Psarros only remains President for about a year before stepping down for the 1964 elections, paving the way for either Pyromaglou or Kanellopoulos.

Aris Velouchiotis

Role: Head of State (EAM revolt)

Party: Ethnikó Apeleftherotikó Métopo^note National Liberation Front, Kommounistikó Kómma Elládas^note Communist Party of Greece

Ideology: Revolutionary Front^note Socialism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Born to an upper class urban family, the life of Aris Velouchiotis seemed set. Yet during his education, he became infatuated with leftist ideals, eventually joining the communist party and participating in left-wing movements. When Metaxas cracked down, Velouchiotis was jailed, tortured and forced to recant his beliefs.

Aimless for a time, he joined the military and participated in the Greco-Italian War, before being forced to retreat as the Axis stormed the country. He was instrumental in organizing a guerrilla resistance, which eventually merged into the EAM.

While the remnants of the KKE were initially skeptical due to his forced recantation, Velouchiotis regained their trust as he struck blow after blow against the Hellenic State, year after year, no matter how bleak or hopeless things become, becoming the de-facto leader of the partisan organization.

Above all else, Velouchiotis is driven by the dream of a true communist Greece - a vision that he will fight to the death to see realized, regardless of how many democrats, republicans, and fascists stand in his way.

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• Chummy Commies: Velouchiotis is a communist partisan leader who has been working against the collaborationist regime and the emancipation of the workers.
• The Determinator: Velouchiotis has faced many struggles in his war of resistance, but he's endured through it all and fought back to realize his dream for a communist Greece.
• Necessarily Evil: While Velouchiotis recognises that Lenin's model of war communism is not a pleasant policy, he sees the necessity in doing so to fight off the inevitable Italian invasion.
• Rebel Leader: He leads the EAM partisans against the collaborationist government and still resumes a guerrilla war, if the EDES take power.
• Rebuilt Pedestal: During Metaxas' reign, Velouchiotis was tortured and forced to renounce his communist ideology. Though he was freed after this, many of his fellow ideologues lost their trust in him for his recantation. Fortunately, he won their faith back when he played an instrumental role in the communist guerrillas' activities against the Axis collaborators, where he's since become recognized as the face of the movement.
• Rich Kid Turned Social Activist: Velouchiotis grew up in an upper-class urban family before becoming infatuated with Marxism and joining the communist party.
• The War Has Just Begun: After the EAM takes Athens, Velouchiotis declares that a new era has begun for Greece, but warns that war looms with Italy, if they wish to be truly free. Per his word, the EAM takes position in rough terrain, takes control of factories, and prepares the country for an uneven fight.

Tropes pertaining to upcoming content

• Feeling Their Age: The Red Greek victory teaser suggests that Velouchiotis has a bad back from his advanced age, but he powers through it so that he doesn't show any weakness.
• Universally Beloved Leader: Downplayed in the Red Greek victory teaser. While some pine for the old order in this scenario, practically everyone in Greek society hails Velouchiotis for liberating their country.

Komninos Pyromaglou

Role: President^note Head of State (First election)

Party: Ethnikós Dimokratikós Ellinikós Sýndesmo^note National Republican Greek League

Ideology: Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Since he was a teenager, Komninos Pyromaglou has fought for the liberation of the Greek people. At only 17 years old, a year before Greek entry into the First World War, he travelled into Ottoman territory to join with miltia fighters resisting the ongoing Greek Genocide. For six years he fought the Turks, his bold rescue of 200 encircled Greek soldiers in 1922, and involvement in the 1922 revolution, would later earn him enormous respect among Greek liberals. Exiled by the Metaxas dictatorship in 1938 for his liberal activism, he returned to Greece in 1941 to resist the Italian puppet government, quickly rising to become one of the top leaders of the EDES resistance.

Throughout the 40s and 50s, Pyromaglou worked to unite liberals and reformist socialists alike behind EDES' mission to establish a representative democracy in Greece. Alas, the iron fist of fascism forced him to treat into the most remote areas of the Greek countryside, while violent clashes with the communist EAM stifled effective anti-fascist resistance. With the death of EDES founder Napoleon Zervas in 1957, Pyromaglou became the official head of the organization. He was the main architect of the 1963 truce between EDES and EAM, allowing both organizations to establish a united front against the Themelis government and establish a provisional republic in 1964. With four decades of patriotic struggle behind him, Pyromaglou was shortly thereafter swept into office to become the first democratically elected president of Greece in three decades.

His ambitious platform, which garnered support from hardline socialists and left-leaning capitalists alike, emphasizes universal healthcare and education for all Greek citizens. His right-leaning opponents argue that his plans are too expensive and would stifle Greek efforts to industrialize the economy. Even the far-left of his own party criticize Pyromaglou for his supposed neglect of industrialization and labor rights.

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• Contempt Crossfire: Pyromaglou's emphasis on universal healthcare and education is well-liked by his supporters, but he's otherwise disliked by his right-wing opponents and the far-left of his own party. Specifically, the former criticize him for stifling efforts to industrialize the economy and the latter dislike him for his supposed neglect of industrialization and worker's rights.
• The Determinator: Pyromaglou has been fighting for the liberation of Greece, since he was 17 years old and he hasn't given up since the Italians have arrived after World War II. Even his presidency is ambitious, promising universal healthcare and education for all citizens, even though it would be extremely expensive and hinder nationwide industrialization.
• The Exile: Pyromaglou was exiled by the Metaxas dictatorship in 1938 and spent a few years in France before returning to Greece in 1941 and joining the EDES.
• Number Two: He is the second-in-command for Psarros in the EDES, both when it is a partisan group and when it is an interim government.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes:
  • Pyromaglou spent much of the 40's and 50's uniting liberals and reformist socialists behind the EDES' banner.
  • He was instrumental in organizing a truce between the EDES and EAM to topple the Themelis government in 1963.
• Taking Up the Mantle: EDES' founder, Napoleon Zervas, died in 1957, so Pyromaglou had to take his place as the official head of the faction.
• War Hero: Pyromaglou is widely respected for his involvement in aiding Greek militias against the Ottomans and rescuing 200 encircled Greek soldiers in 1922, during the Greco-Turkish War.

Panagiotis Kanellopoulos

Role: President^note Head of State (First election)

Party: Ethnikós Dimokratikós Ellinikós Sýndesmos^note National Republican Greek League

Ideology: Paternalistic Conservatism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Born to a wealthy family in 1902, Panagiotis Kanellopoulos developed a passion for political science early in his life, and was an accomplished lawyer and respected scholar before his 30th birthday. Elected president of the Social Insurance Institution in 1934, Kanellopoulos was a rising star in the Greek republic, but alas, with the fall of Greek democracy, he found himself exiled to a small island in the Cyclades. Arrested by Italian forces in 1942 after attempting to establish a resistance group, he miraculously escaped captivity and shortly thereafter joined EDES.

Kanellopoulos was an unusual fit within the largely republican EDES, being a conservative-leaning monarchist. A hindrance to his influence within EDES for most of his time in the resistance, it became an enormously valuable asset to himself—and the resistance movement more generally—in gaining moderate conservatives' support for the provisional government. It was for his ability to appeal to the provisional government's many skeptics that Psarros appointed him interim deputy prime minister. Shortly thereafter, his promises of an economic golden era for Greece earned him the presidency, becoming the first democratically elected head of state Greece had seen in three decades.

Now Kanellopoulos seeks to rapidly industrialize and modernize the Greek economy, to escape from the poverty which the Greek people endured through decades of dictatorship and warfare. By abolishing most of the stringent financial regulations put in place by the collaborationist government, he believes that both foreign and domestic investment will naturally follow, and transform Greece from forgotten backwater into a bonafide jewel of the Mediterranean.

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• The Ace: Kanellopoulos was a rising star and respected scholar during the 20's and 30's for his passion in political science and accomplishments in law.
• Dawn of an Era: Invoked by Kanellopoulos, who presents his economic plans as the start of an dramatic economic recovery for Greece, focusing on industrialization and attracting foreign and domestic investment.
• The Exile: When Greek's democracy was destroyed in the 1930's, Kanellopoulos was exiled to a small island in the Cyclades, only to later be arrested by Italian forces in 1942.
• Non-Idle Rich: Despite being born into a rich family, he had a good work ethic and aided the EDES in their resistance to the Italian occupation. If Greece is liberated by Psarros, Kanellopoulos will run for election and can become the first democratically elected president in three decades.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: Despite being a conservative-leaning monarchist in an otherwise republican party, Kannellopoulos is good at appealing to moderate conservatives and garnering their support his industrialization plans.
• Rebel Leader: Kanellopoulos tried to establish his own anti-Italian resistance group, but he was arrested by the Italians in 1942 before this could come to fruition. When he escaped captivity, he settled on joining the EDES, despite his monarchist sympathies clashing with the EDES' republicanism.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: Zig-Zagged. Kanellopoulos' monarchism stifled his influence in the EDES, but his moderate conservatism would win some favor back because it improved optics on Psarros' interim government.

Andreas Papandreou

Role: Head of State (1968 election)

Party: Ethnikós Dimokratikós Ellinikós Sýndesmos^note National Republican Greek League

Ideology: Democratic Socialism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}In a world where extremes are the norm, Andreas Papandreou and the EDA seem out of place. Himself son of EPEK's party leader Georgios Papandreou, Andreas is a relative newcomer in Greek politics, having fled his homeland due to his leftist inclinations during Metaxas's regime. He found himself studying economics at Harvard in America, graduating with a PhD before joining the United States Navy in its war efforts until its inevitable defeat, after which he worked as a professor in numerous universities across North America.

During the late 50's, after a little over a decade spent in the New World, Papandreou came back to Greece at the enquiry of various EDES figures - namely Konstantinos Karamanlis - in prevision of post EEE Greece. Now, a few years after setting foot back on his homeland, Andreas finds himself President of Greece after its second elections since the fall of the EEE.

Marking a stark contrast with the first members of the EDES, Andreas is intent on following his predecessor's measures in establishing a welfare state. Some speculate he might even further them, as his supporters chant his slogan "Allagí! - Change!"

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• The Exile: Papandreou was forced to leave Greece during Metaxas' regime due to his left-wing beliefs, where he wandered throughout North America as a professor. When the EDES takes power, he is invited back to continue Pyromaglou's welfare policies and just a few years before he can run for the 1968 election.
• Like Father, Like Son: Papandreou continues the legacy of his father Georgios, a veteran Greek politician involved in center-left politics.
• Realpolitik: Despite their historical animosity, he'll need to negotiate with Italian industrialists so that Greece can be more economically independent in the long run.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Papandreou continues his predecessor's focus on establishing a welfare state, with some speculating that he may even go further than that.

Konstantinos Karamanlis

Role: Head of State (1968 election)

Party: Ethnikós Dimokratikós Ellinikós Sýndesmos^note National Republican Greek League

Ideology: Paternalistic Conservatism^note Conservatism

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• Odd Friendship: Despite their conflicting ideologies, Karamanlis was a major figure who convinced Papandreou to return to Greece from his exile in North America.
• Realpolitik: Karamanlis tries to keep his distance from Italy, but will remain on amicable terms to stabilize the young democracy's economy and social situation.

Georgios Mavros

Role: Head of State (1968 election)

Party: Ethniki Proodeftiki Enosis Kentrou^note National Progressive Center Union

Ideology: Liberalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}It is not often that an obscure figure like Georgios Mavros, a man few outside of politics have heard of, rises to the position of national leader. However, Mavros' meteoric rise over the course of a short and chaotic election cycle - only the second such cycle in Greece's renewed democracy - cannot be denied.

Born on a small Greek island off the coast of Anatolia, Mavros went on to study law in Athens and Berlin. When the Italian invasion began, he took up arms like many Greeks, and fought on the Albanian front. Upon the Italian landing in Athens, he quickly found his way into the administrative arm of the EDES, where he served in various administrative posts before national liberation was achieved. Following the reinstatement of democracy, he founded the Center Party, a small, liberal party positioned between Greece's main political blocs.

Mavros now leads - through happenstance and luck - a massive realignment in Greek politics. A man of ideals he might need to break and of positions he may be forced to compromise, the helmsman of Greece's ship of state sails through seemingly perpetually-choppy waters - and failure to successfully navigate them may bring him crashing down as quickly as he rose.

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• Dark Horse Victory: His political party is relatively small and caught between the major power blocs in Greece. If he somehow gets elected in 1968, most observers will mostly link it to pure luck.
• Old Soldier: Mavros fought in the Greek army against the Italian invasion and promptly became an administrator within the EDES when the Italians landed in Athens.
• Pragmatic Hero: With his election bring a major realignment in Greek politics, Mavros may need to compromise on his ideals to achieve progress and prevent his administration from being toppled.

Leonidas Kyrkos

Role: Head of State (1968 election)

Party: Eniéa Dimokratikí Aristerá - Kommounistes^note United Democratic Left - Communists

Ideology: Reformist Socialism^note Socialism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Leonidas Kyrkos and his wing of the EDA truly are anomalies: himself a member of the Communist Youth in his teens, he joined the Greek resistance at a young age following Greece's fall in the Second Great War. True to his leanings, Leonidas and his clique intend to make Greece a true socialist state, one where workers are equal to one another.

Following Pyromaglou's presidency and the EDA shifting ever so to the left, Kyrkos now finds himself as President of the country. The scars of the occupation are still fresh in his mind as one of his goals is to improve the lot of the peasants by mechanizing Greek agriculture methods so as to not repeat the Great Famine, as well as quickly industrializing Greece. Yet, despite his party's eagerness - and his own - in silencing their opposition, the President seems set on keeping the young democracy alive - or at least to keep parts of its apparatus, something discerning the movement from the more authoritarian regime that was the USSR.

Time shall tell whether democracy endures in Greece, or if Kyrkos buries its embers in his effort to make Greece a socialist state.

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• Chummy Commies: As a member of the communist youth and a resistance member, Kyrkos has long fought against the Italian regime of Greece to create a socialist state that helps the peasant class, while avoiding the mistakes made by the Soviet Union.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Kyrkos passionately wishes to empower the working class and mechanize Greece's agriculture to avert a second Great Famine. However, his biography suggests he might compromise the nation's immature democratic mechanisms. There is a part of him that wishes to silent the EDA's opposition, but so far, he's averted this route and avoided repeating the Soviet Union's authoritarian methods.

Georgios Papadopoulos

^{Civilian outfit}

Role: Head of State (Military coup)

Party: Diktatoría ton Syntagmatarchón^note Regime of the Colonels

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Few had ever heard of Georgios Papadopoulos before 1964. The son of a schoolteacher in a remote village, young Georgios saw enrolling in the Military Academy as a path out of poverty—and perhaps more importantly in his mind—a path towards greater power. He has been clawing his way to greater power ever since. He sought military glory as an artillery second lieutenant in the Second World War, and only two years later joined his erstwhile enemies to find power within their ranks. Through the 1940s and 1950s he gradually rose through the ranks of the Security Battalions. But while Papadopoulos could tolerate working under Theodoros Pangalos, he had nothing but loathing for the weak-willed and incompetent Themelis. Thus, Papadopoulous established IDEA, a secretive group which aimed to replace the government and put Papadopoulos at its head.

It was treason of the highest order, and necessitated the greatest secrecy to succeed. On the eve of revolution, Papadopoulos had established an extensive network of contacts within both the Greek government and with Greek insurgent groups. He was trusted by the Italian Duce and not suspected by Themelis. When EAM and EDES combined forces and ousted Themelis, he appealed to the Italians to assist him in a coup to restore order and prevent the spread of communism. They agreed, and now Georgios Papadopoulos and IDEA reign over the Greek nation.

His stated aims are ambitious, bordering on quixotic, to rapidly industrialize the Greek nation, to purge it of communism, unite the nation behind traditional Christian values, and achieve economic independence from Italy. His administration is brutal and arbitrary in its punishments, acting with consequentialism taken to its most violent extreme. His ability to remain in power will depend on maintaining amiable relations with Italy, securing his regime against the threat of terrorists in the hills and nefarious agents within his own government. Most importantly, he must ensure that the Greek people remain tightly under his thumb—sufficiently respectful and fearful of the security forces so as not to boldly protest in the streets, and not desperate enough to rise up anyway.

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• Ambition Is Evil: He craves power above all and he joined the military to pursue it. It eventually reaches his peak with a military coup, giving him free rein to industrialize the country, destroy communism, enforce his traditional Christian beliefs, and become economically independent from Italy.
• Les Collaborateurs: Papadopoulos shamelessly collaborates with the Italians and keeps Greece under their thumb, so long as they support his regime.
• Disproportionate Retribution: His dictatorship is extremely draconian and brutal punishments are dished out to those who commit minor transgressions.
• From Nobody to Nightmare: Papadopoulos was a largely unknown figure in Greece, having grown up in poverty to a rural community and serving minor roles in the army and security battalions. However, he can be suddenly thrust into power when Italy backs his military coup.
• Military Coup: After the EAM and EDES overthrow Themelis, Papadopoulos can launch a coup against them with Italian aid, ushering in a Regime of the Colonels and bringing Greece back into their sphere.
• Red Scare: His coup against a liberated Greece is to prevent the spread of communism, which he feared the EAM and EDES would do.
• The Starscream: Papadopoulos plans to betray Themelis by forming IDEA, a secret cabal in the Greek military to run this conspiracy. Wielding connections in both the Greek government and insurgent groups, he waited for the partisans to oust Themelis and then appeal to Italy for a military coup so he can seize power himself.
• Turncoat: Papadopoulos fought in the Greek army during the Axis invasion, but joined the collaborationist security battalions a few years later because they offered him power.
• Villain Has a Point: For how despicable he is, he makes a fair assessment about Themelis being weak-willed and incompetent.
• Visionary Villain: He has very ambitious plans to industrialize Greece, purge it of communist influence, instill Christian values, and work towards economic independence from Italy.

Ioannis Ladas

Role: Head of State (post-Italian invasion)

Party: Diktatoría ton Syntagmatarchón^note Regime of the Colonels

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism, Fascism (Scorza-led Italy)

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• The Quisling: If a liberated Greece ends up conquered by a retaliatory Italian invasion, Ladas can be put in charge of his home country to keep them leashed to Italy's sphere.

Georgios Grivas

^{70's portrait}

Role: Head of State (liberal Italian Invasion)

Party: Nea Organosi X^note New Organization X

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}The European political landscape following World War Two saw many self-styled patriots collaborating with the fascist invader and Georgios Grivas is no different. Grivas was born in Cyprus and moved to Greece in his early adulthood to embark on a career as an officer in the Greek Army, against his family's wishes. Right after his graduation in 1919, he was immediately posted on the Asia Minor front of the Greco-Turkish War, where he distinguished himself for his bravery. The failures of the war convinced him that only a strong hand could save Greece and bring forth Enosis, the reunification of all rightfully Greek territories. For that purpose, he created Organization X, an ultranationalist, monarchist cell within the Greek army and plotted for the eventual revolution that would defeat the liberal traitors in the government and give Greece her rightful place in the world.

But even the best plans laid by men can still be thwarted and that's what happened to Grivas. The revolution actually happened in Greece, but a liberal one. The fascist regime in Rome needed a loyal man in Athens and Grivas was just what they needed. Enticed by promises of power and wealth, Grivas aligned himself with the fascist invader, Organization X became the Party X of National Resistance, and from Athens he heralds a new era of strength, glory and prosperity for Greece. All while the Italian fascist jackboot rests on the neck of his motherland. While he might think otherwise, Grivas is no longer a loyal son of Greece. He is nothing but another puppet for a foreign regime like any other.

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• Ambition Is Evil: Grivas became an Italian collaborator because he was enticed by promises of wealth and power.
• Black Sheep: Against his family's wishes, Grivas moved to Greece from Cyprus so he could become an officer in the army, eventually graduating in 1919.
• Les Collaborateurs: Grivas and the NOX were originally opposed to the Axis invasion, but they eventually switched sides and became a collaborationist force for them. Potentially, they can be put in charge of Greece after Italy defeats the Greek partisans.
• Evil Reactionary: Grivas leads the Organization X, a monarchist, ultranationalist paramilitary group that fought for the Axis and shifted to anti-communism as World War II progressed.
• Hypocrite: Grivas sees himself as a Greek ultranationalist and patriot trying to restore Greece's pride on the world stage, even though he's really just a power-hungry, Italian stooge subjugating his own homeland to a foreign power.
• Old Soldier: He partook in the Greco-Turkish War and is a long-time member of Greek military circles in his monarchist cell.
• Puppet King: Grivas can be offered to rule Greece as a puppet, if a liberal democratic Italy ousts the partisan government.
• The Quisling: Grivas sides with Italy when they invade Red Greece, and is chosen to lead the new Greek collaborationist government if Italy wins after having transitioned to liberal democracy.
• Start of Darkness: Seeing the military failures in the Greco-Turkish War convinced Grivas that only an autocratic government with a strong hand could save Greece and unify all Greek lands in Enosis.

Georgios Poulos

Role: Head of State (fascist Italian invasion)

Party: Kyvérnisi Ellinikis Katharótitas^note Government of Hellenic Purity

Ideology: Stratocracy^note Ultranationalism

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• The Dreaded: Poulos is feared and hated throughout Greece for his brutality and shameless collaboration with the Italians.
• General Ripper: Poulos leads the Poulos Verband, the most feared collaborationist death squad in occupied Greece, and rules the country in a similarly-brutal manner after being propped up by Italy.
• Names to Run Away from Really Fast: Poulos' party is called the "Government of Hellenic Purity", reflecting his ultranationalist beliefs.
• The Quisling: Poulos is the leader of the collaborationist government created by fascist Italy after it defeats the Greek rebels.

Constantine II

Role: King of the Hellenes

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• The Exile: Constantine II was exiled with the rest of the royal family, when the Axis invaded Greece in World War II. He will only be allowed to return if Italy defeats the EAM and puts Grivas in charge of the country.
• The Quisling: Grivas will invite Constantine to become the new monarch of his proclaimed Hellenic Union, an offer that Constantine couldn't refuse.
• Rightful King Returns: Constantine II, the current pretender to the Greek throne, can come back home and be crowned if Italy puts down the EAM's revolution and puts the monarchist NOX in charge of Greece. Constantine is surprised by the development, figuring that the Greek monarchy was well and truly dead after the EAM took over.

"Penelope's Web" Update

Upcoming content coming in the "Penelope's Web" update.

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• Armies Are Evil: The army and its allies were given authorization by President Pangalos to take whatever actions to destroy communist elements and the EAM, allowing them to not be held accountable for collateral damage and allowing for the execution of partisans without tribunal, as described in the starting Greek laws teaser.
• Big Damn Reunion: In the Red Greek victory teaser, a woman, who has spent the past decade fighting in the EAM and lost her brother in the conflict, returns to her family home in Athens. There, she sees the city and neighborhoods bustling with life and celebrations, before reuniting with her parents and taking a moment to relax and relish her hopeful feelings.
• Les Collaborateurs: Many, but not all, of the majority-Muslim Cham Albanians within Greece have chosen to collaborate with Italy and the puppet government following decades of discrimination. However, the Greek collaborator teaser shows that this has worsened tensions between them and the Greeks, with many, particularly in the EDES, viewing them as traitors and foreigners.
• David Versus Goliath: When the EAM revolts in their dedicated teaser, they are going up against incredible odds because Italy is a multi-continental major power and Greece is a minor nation that is substantially less industrialized and just come out of a decades-long civil conflict. However, the Greeks will not go out quietly and will fight through the exhaustion and pain with great determination. If the Greeks do win, it will be a huge symbolic blow to Italy and a victory for Greece, proving that a nation can stands up to its conquerors.
• Earn Your Happy Ending: The Red Greek victory teaser shows a young woman returning home, after fighting as a partisan for over a decade. She still mourns the death of her brother who also fought against the Italians, but she is ultimately relieved and optimistic that the Greek revolution has won and she can settle back down with her family.
• Honor Before Reason: Alexandra Papriga is a young and passionate firebrand within the KKE, who often gets into moral debates about the committee's more pragmatic actions, such as challenging the decision to not redistribute food stockpiles from the south to areas affected by the war effort.
• Idealist vs. Pragmatist:
  • The first event in the Red Greece victory teaser is a debate on the KKE's use of local stockpiles, where Alexandra Papriga is the idealist arguing that they must redistribute them to the civilian areas most affected by the war, citing Marx's words as justification. The debate gets interrupted when news of Italy's surrender is delivered.
  • Another debates breaks out in the Red Greece victory teaser, where the EAM has pushed Italy out of Northern Epirus and they discuss what they should do with that part of Albania. The more idealistic EAM members argue that Albanians should be given self-rule under a civilian government, due to their internationalist beliefs and to express gratitude for resistance-aligned Albanians, like Koçi Xoxe. However, the pragmatists argue that Albania cannot be freed without Greek supervision and call for a temporary military administration to compensate for the lack of resources in Albania's south and avert Italian agitation.
• Know When to Fold 'Em: The Albanian city of Fier is specifically chosen by the EAM for the conference because Tirana would be too symbolic for the Italians to accept and Fier is a de-jure Italian territory controlled by the EAM at this point, even if it isn't won't be a grandiose end to the conference. The EAM doesn't want to push their luck too hard, so they settle for this agreement.
• Necessarily Evil: When southern Albania is liberated in the Red Greek victory teaser, the people are jubilant that have been freed and can be permitted to have their own sister republic. Some profess concern Albania could still be home to Italian infiltrators and a lack of resources in the region could make reconstruction difficult, so the EAM can permit the establishment of a temporary military government there.
• Peace Conference: When Greece pushes the Italians back into Albania in the Red Greece teaser, Italy will sue for peace and host a conference in Fier. The peace negotiations are an exhausting and tense affair, but the Treaty of Fier is a huge victory for Greece, guaranteeing Greek access to the world's oceans through neutral ports and formally recognizing Greek control of southern Albania, a territory they are occupying.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: The Italian negotiator in the Red Greek victory teaser expresses mild distaste about having to negotiate with women from the EAM.
• Reaction Shot: In the Red Greek victory teaser, radios crackle to life and show the nationwide celebration over Greece's hard fought liberation. They describe passionate cheers from across Thessaloniki, Larissa, downtown Athens, and even the newly freed portions of Albania.
• Shoot the Messenger: Inverted in the Red Greek victory teaser. Rousos delivers the news of the Treaty of Fier and practically gets a hero's welcome, despite not really doing anything or even being a major figure in the EAM. Rousos rationalizes that they're not really clapping for him, but for the great news he's bringing.
• State Sec: The hated Security Battalions are still present in Greece, government sponsored death squads exempt from most forms of legal punishments and given free reign to use any actions they deem to necessary in their anti-partisan actions against the Communist Party of Greece and the National Liberation Front, as described in the starting Greek laws teaser.
• Tears of Joy: In the Red Greek victory teaser, Velouchiotis struggles to hold back tears of relief and happiness when Italy announces their willingness to negotiations, reading the terms of the peace deal and sharing everyone else's celebration.
• Urban Ruins: Fier is significantly damaged in the Red Greek victory teaser, if the EAM reaches the city. During peace negotiations, the discussions are held in the town hall, which still carries the war's scars.
• The War Has Just Begun: In the Red Greek victory teaser, there is nationwide hope and renewed national pride among the Greek public, freed from the whims of Italian imperialism and the decades of conflict and loss. However, it is acknowledged that there is a long road ahead for the nation and the post-war leaders will still face many challenges while working towards a better future.
• What Is This Feeling?: In the Red Greek victory teaser, the EAM members feel taken aback about no longer having to use code names or being able to enter Albania, having spent decades fighting Italy beforehand.

Eftychia Printzou

Role: Head of State

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• You Are in Command Now: Pintzou is placed in charge of Northern Epirus in the Red Greek victory teaser, creating a military administration over the region due to her instrumental role in the advance north against the Italians.

Isole Italiane dell'Egeo

Official Name: Isole Italiane dell'Egeo^Tr.Italian Islands of the Aegean

Ideology: Despotism

Italy's military headquarters in Rhodes during the Italo-Turkish War.

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• Do Not Go Gentle: Despite facing a stronger enemy in a "Penelope's Web" teased event, Rhodes holds out against the Turkish assaults for as months under constant bombing and lessening supplies. The civilians of Rhodes also assist the garrison with digging trenches and moving ammunition. Governor di Fausto vows to continue fighting for as long as the defenses can last, despite recognizing that the island is a small part in a greater conflict.
• Island Base: When the Italo-Turkish War erupts, the island of Rhodes is turned into a fortress, as the medieval fortifications are converted to modern ones, and Governor Di Fausto's palace becomes a military headquarters, from which he rallies the defenders, Italians and Greeks alike, against a superior foe.

Florestano di Fausto

Role: Head of State

Ideology: Despotism

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• A Father to His Men: In a "Penelope's Web" teased event, di Fausto praises the bravery of the Italian and Greek soldiers fighting against the Turkish assaults, honoring those who've died to protect them and expressing gratitude to the civilians who help.
• Red Baron: He's known as the "Architect of the Mediterranean" for his key role in planning and dividing up Italy's conquered territories into a colonial empire.
• Token Good Teammate: Even though he serves Italian interests, di Fausto does sympathize with the local Greek population under his control, earning a modicum of respect from them.

Department of Cyprus

Official Name: Department of Cyprus

Ruling Party: Kypriakí Dioíkisi^note Cyprus Administration

Ideology: Colonial Government^note Despotism

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• Allohistorical Allusion: The situation in Cyprus has a strong resemblance to OTL's Cyprus Emergency faced by the United Kingdom from 1955-1959.
• Les Collaborateurs: The Triumvirate-wide mediation of the Cyprus Emergency led to the creation of Greek and Turkish advisory councils representing their respective communities within the island's administrations, as shown in the Cyprus teaser.
• Consolation Prize: In the Cyprus teaser, the island was handed to the collaborationist Greek government after the Italians conquered the island from Britain, in exchange for Turkey taking many of Greece's Aegean Islands.
• Emergency Authority: After the Selimiye Mosque bombing in the Cyprus teaser, Bakos declares martial law to counter the looming terrorist threat.
• Island Base: In their dedicated teaser, Cyprus is a major Italian naval and air base in the eastern Mediterranean to protect the Suez Canal and counteract Germany's Black Sea Fleet in Crimea. After the Triumvirate collapses, Italy also uses the island to counter Turkish influence in the region.
• Mêlée à Trois: The Greek government's attempts to impose a solely Greek identity resulted in the Turkish-Cypriots forming the TMT as a defense. The Greek-Cypriots responded by forming the EOKA, in which both sides began fighting each other. The conflict then escalated into a three-way war when Italy intervened, nearly destroying the Triumvirate until Italy emerged victorious and put the conflict on temporary hold.
• Occupiers Out of Our Country: As shown in their teaser, Cyprus is bitterly divided between the Greek and Turkish communities, fueling an irregular conflict through much of the 1950's. In the so-called the Cyprus Emergency, nationalist organizations agitated for Cyprus to be part of their respective country and for the Italians to withdraw. The conflict froze by 1962, but after the Selimiye Mosque is bombed, the conflict reignites, worsened by the Greek government being overwhelmed by its own resistance movements.
• The Paranoiac: During the reignited Cyprus Emergency, fears of TMT and EOKA terrorism spiral throughout the capital city of Nicosia in the Cyprus teaser. As the city bears the brunt of the conflict, the Greek and Turkish communities separate themselves into ghettos out of paranoia that the other is harboring terrorists, with little done to mend this separation.
• Proxy War: After Selimiye Mosque is bombed and the Cyprus Emergency is restarted in the Cyprus teaser, the Turkish government begins arming and training the TMT to dislodge Italian and Greek control over the island, having all exhausted all attempts to preserve the tenuous peace.
• "Rashomon"-Style: The Selimiye Mosque is bombed in the Cyprus teaser, killing over two hundred people in the most violent attack since the 50's and restarting the Cyprus Emergency. The incident doesn't have a clear perpetrator, with the TMT and EOKA blaming the other.
• La Résistance: In Cyprus, the government is struggling to deal with resistance from the Greek EOKA and the Turkish TMT organizations, both wreaking havoc on the island in the Cyprus teaser.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: The tenuous peace in Cyprus is maintained by various agreements between Greece, Turkey and Italy, all of whom have differing long term goals for the island. While nominally part of Greece and governed by a Greek governor, the Italian plenipotentiary wields significant powers over governance and representatives of the two communities advocate for greater rights and influence. Once the Triumvirate reignites and the Cyprus Emergency reignites in the Cyprus teaser, this arrangement falls apart.

Georgios Bakos

Role: Head of State

Party: Kypriakí Dioíkisi^note Cyprus Administration

Ideology: Colonial Government^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}General George Bakos knew a poisoned chalice when he saw it. The prime of his life was surely long behind him, but he had not grown so complacent as to fail to see the political maneuvering that sealed his fate. And yet what other choice did he have? When President Pangalos moved to appoint him as governor of Cyprus after the outbreak of ethnonational violence in the 1950s, it was as clear to him as it was to anyone else in Athens that it was only to open up the Defense Ministry - it had been his since the time of Prime Minister Tsolakoglou. Pangalos was growing old, and his protege Themelis needed to be prepared for his succession - Bakos was an easy sacrifice. His unpopular refusal to reinstate officers who had renounced their support for the National Republican League, the long-dead government-in-exile, or any number of forgotten movements no doubt played a part as well.

Bakos went all the same. He was still a soldier, and soldiers did their duty; they followed their orders. His decades of dedication to the Hellenic State were rewarded with exile to an island amid the throes of the near-civil war. Years later, the threat of renewed violence is still ever-present and Bakos is beset on all sides by demands. The Italian plenipotentiary demands he keep the peace; his government in Athens demands he maintain Greek rule; the "ally" in Ankara demands favorable treatment for its people. Truthfully, the limits of Bakos' actual authority are such that he can do little but sit in his office in Nicosia and hope that each new day does not bring a new Emergency.

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• Authority in Name Only: Despite being governor in the Cyprus teaser, Bakos' authority is limited, as the Italian plenipotentiary calls all the shots. However, this doesn't stop Bakos being the subject of various demands from Rome, Athens, and Ankara.
• My Country, Right or Wrong: Bakos disdains having to govern Cyprus in its teaser, but he vows to continue this duty out of loyalty to his country.
• The Quisling: According to his teased biography, Bakos joined the collaborationist Hellenic government after the Axis invaded Greece in 1941, being a staunchly pro-Axis fascist and holding the position of Minister of National Defense until his reassignment to Cyprus.
• Reassigned to Antarctica: In the Cyprus teaser, Bakos has been Minister of National Defense since 1941, but was reappointed to govern Cyprus after the Cyprus Emergency started. Everyone in Athens knows it was a play by President Pangalos to appoint his protege Themelis to Bakos' old position, preparing him as a successor and leaving Bakos an undesirable occupation.

Pellegrino Ghigi

Role: Italian Plenipotentiary in Cyprus^note Head of Government (Bakos cabinet)

Ideology: Colonial Government^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Pellegrino Ghigi is the Italian diplomatic corps' foremost expert on Greek affairs and its many problems. Assigned as Rome's Plenipotentiary to the newly established Hellenic State, Ghigi watched as the newborn Hellenic State suffered through years of horrific famine and partisan warfare. While Rome meekly capitulated to the ever-increasing German demands for foodstuffs, Ghigi worked with Greek Finance Secretary Gotzamanis to persuade his German counterpart Altenberg to exercise any restraint. Ghigi's support of Gotzamanis was instrumental in securing the latter's appointment as Prime Minister following General Tsolakoglou's resignation.

With Cyprus' fragility laid bare for all to see after the so-called Emergency of the 1950s, an expert's hand was required to preserve Italian interests in the region. To this end, Italy has dispatched Ghigi to Nicosia with full plenipotentiary powers; on paper, he is merely there to advise the Greek governor and ensure that the island will not erupt back into open fighting. In point of fact, however, he is nothing less than the highest authority in Cyprus.

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• The Ace: Ghigi is the foremost expert on Greece amongst Italy's diplomats and has been the plenipotentiary for Greece ever since the establishment of the Hellenic State. As mentioned in the Cyprus teaser, he was instrumental in negotiating with his German counterpart for restraint in the seizure of foodstuffs, alongside Greek Finance Secretary Gotzamanis. Ghigi also played a significant role in Gotzamanis achieving power, after Tsolakoglou's resignation.
• Dragon-in-Chief: In the Cyprus teaser, Ghigi was appointed to Nicosia by the Italian government after the Cyprus Emergency, nominally acting as an advisor to the Greek governor. In reality, Ghigi is the true highest authority in the island, as he seeks to secure Italy's geopolitical interests.

Makarios III

Role: Speaker of the Greek Advisory Council (Bakos cabinet)

Ideology: National Conservatism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}A man of the cloth, Makarios has always been committed to the principles of non-violence, a constant in the life of a turbulent priest. Even today, in a world on a wire, he holds to them tightly, unwilling to imagine a Cyprus where they would slip from his steady hand.

Born in a mountain village, Michael Christodoulou Mouskos found his clerical calling at thirteen, being admitted to Kykkos Monastery and growing closer to God before attending the University of Athens. During the war's brutal years of bloodshed, his solace would be found in the realm of theology, be appointed as Bishop of Kition, and adopt the name Makarios, meaning "happy, fortunate, blessed" - ideals for living.

Like many Greek Cypriots, Makarios was pleased to see the dream of enosis fulfilled. The resulting violence and bloodshed of the Emergency tested his faith in that dream. Despite accusations of sympathy for the EOKA, Makarios took the bold and controversial step of welcoming the arriving Italian peacekeeping force, declaring that the fighting had to end. This won him little love from his more zealous countrymen but it meant a great deal to the thousands scarred by the conflict. When the Greek Advisory Council was established, Makarios was the only name put forward for speakership.

With a hard-earned reputation in a land frayed with ethnic tension, Makarios is one of the few figures to command respect from both sides of the community. But there is only one Makarios when not even ten could begin to heal the divides of a fractured island.

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• Loved by All: Makarios is one of the few leaders in Cyprus to be respected by both sides of the community in the Cyprus teaser. While some zealous Greek nationalists decry his openness to collaborate with the Italians, this did little to stop his appointment as speaker of the Greek Advisory Council, showing how deep his reputation goes.
• Meaningful Rename: Born as Michale Christodoulou Mouskos, he adopted the name of Makarios when he became Bishop which means "happy, fortunate, blessed".
• Turbulent Priest: Makarios' teased biography says this trope word-for-word. Having found a religious calling from a young age and attending the Kykkos Monastery and University of Athens, Makarios was appointed as Bishop of Kition before getting involved in politics as a representative of the Greek community and potential EOKA sympathizer. He welcomed the Italian intervention in the Cyprus Emergency, but he does his best to limit the bloodshed and advocate a lighter hand from the current regime.

Faiz Kaymak

Role: Speaker of the Turkish Advisory Council (Bakos cabinet)

Ideology: Liberal Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Formerly a teacher in British Cyprus, Kaymak began his political life during the Second World War, hoping to gain greater autonomy - perhaps even independence. The fall of Cyprus into the Italian sphere of influence and transfer to the Greek regime completely transformed the status-quo. The Republic of Turkey heeded his appeals for support but the situation soon deteriorated into the Cyprus Emergency.

Following the Italian pacification of the island and subsequent Triumvirate mediation, two parallel 'advisory councils' were established to speak for their respective communities within the island's administration. Turkey pressed Kaymak to take up the leadership of the Turkish Advisory Council, wanting a trusted man on the inside. Many of his fellow Turkish Cypriots met his acceptance with disdain; they saw the action as a capitulation to the Greek-dominated regime and a betrayal of their community.

Kaymak has done what he can in his new role, including the promotion of the "from Turk to Turk" policy meant to develop the economic wellbeing of the Turkish Cypriot community. For all of this, he has few allies between the Greek administration wary of its Turkish population, and his own people who think him a comprador.

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• Contempt Crossfire: In the Cyprus teaser, Kaymak faces opposition from many in the Greek administration, hating his push to economically help the Turkish-Cypriots. On the other side, Kaymak is disdained from his own community, as they view his collaboration as a capitulation to the Hellenic regime.
• Internal Reformist: As stated in his teased biography, Kaymak entered politics during the Second World War, hoping to advocate greater autonomy or independence from Britain. By 1962, he's switched collaborating with the Triumvirate, acting as the Speaker of the Turkish Advisory Council within Cyprus and pushing greater rights for the Turkish-Cypriot community.

Virgilio Spigai

Role: Cyprus Naval Division Command^note Security Minister (Bakos cabinet)

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}As commander of all Italian naval forces stationed at Cyprus, Virgilio Spigai is but one cog in the great machine of empire that Italy has won through blood and battle. All the same, he is an important cog, his command instrumental to the orderly workings of the greater whole.

Born in 1907 in La Spezia, Spigai graduated from the Naval Academy in 1928, a time of modernization and expansion for the Regia Marina that brought with it many career opportunities for capable young officers. Spigai's service record during the war proved that he was indeed such an officer, having served as the captain of several corvettes and submarines with distinction. After years of lauded service, Spigai was promoted to Divisional admiral with command of the Cyprus naval division.

Officially, Spigai's division is tasked with maintaining the security of the Eastern Mediterranean, the Suez, and the Black Sea approach from any threats against the Triumvirate. However, as tensions grow within the Triumvirate, many now wonder if the definition of those "threats" may one day include the Republic of Turkey.

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• War Hero: Spigai graduated from the Naval Academy in 1928 and has risen the ranks of the Regia Marina ever since, as mentioned in his teased biography. He proved himself during the Second World War while commanding corvettes and submarines with distinction, and was respected enough to be promoted to Divisional Admiral of the Cyprus naval division. His current position has him maintaining Italy's security in the region, with focus on the Suez Canal, Black Sea, and Turkey after the Triumvirate's collapse.

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