Characters / TNO Uruguay

Main Character Index Superpowers: Großgermanisches Reich (Heydrich's Germany) | The United States of America (1964-1968 American Presidents | 1972 American Presidents) | Dai-Nippon Teikoku Major Powers: Regno d'Italia | Iberian Union | Republic of Turkey | Ordensstaat Burgund Other Countries By Region: Africa: Northern & East Africa | West Africa | Southern Africa | Post-Colonial Central Africa Asia: Mainland China & Oceania (State of Guangdong | 1964-1972 Guangdong Chief Executives | Guangdong Flavor Characters) | Southeast Asia (Republic of Indonesia) | South Asia | Middle East | Central Asia Europe: Northern & Western Europe (British Isles | French State) | Southern Europe | Eastern Europe (Reichskommissariat Ukraine | Reichskommissariat Moskowien) Americas: North America | South America (United States of Brazil | Argentine Republic | Oriental Republic of Uruguay) The Russian Anarchy: West Russia (West Russian Revolutionary Front | Komi Republic | Communist Party of Komi | Passionariyy Organization | Taboritsky's Russia) | Southern Urals | Western Siberia | Central Siberia (Siberian Black Army) | The Far East (Harbin Three) | After Midnight Miscellaneous: Antarctica | Miscellaneous Content | Non-Canon Content

Oriental Republic of Uruguay

Official Name: Oriental Republic of Uruguay

Ruling Party: Partido Nacional (Herrerismo-Ruralismo)^note National Party (Herrerism-Ruralism)

Ideology: Herrerism^note Paternalism

A wealthy South American country, whose prosperity is well-known as the "Switzerland of Latin America", though this reputation masks the internal instability that threatens to radically change the country's future.

---

General Tropes

• The Alliance: At game start Uruguay is an observer member of the OFN.
• Arms Dealer: Uruguay profits from war because they specialize in producing corned beef and textiles, two resources that were in heavy demand by both sides during World War II. Now that the conflict has ended, Uruguay's economy is stagnating and attempts to diversify have largely been unsuccessful, leaving the country no choice but to continue their war profiteering, enjoying benefits from trading with other countries.
• Be Careful What You Wish For: Once the Marzist regime ended, the Consejo was finnally restored in 1952, honoring Battle's dream for a decentralized democracy. However, this has largely backfired on the country, as the Consejo is notoriously ineffecient and slow body, earning the ire of many. Some have even been considering more radical action to have it removed, regardless of the side effects.
• Crapsaccharine World: Despite Uruguayans still believing that Uruguay is a wealthy and powerful nation, even being nicknamed "The Switzerland of Latin America", the sad reality is that the nation is on the verge of bankruptcy and more people are becoming jobless, as demand for Uruguayan products diminishes. These economic woes have not gone unnoticed by the people and, depending on what comes next, this image of a prosperous democracy can either be repaired or destroyed forever.
• Improperly Paranoid: Occasionally, their fears of fascist subversion from within turn out to be baseless or targeted against individuals who are barely even a threat.
• Nazi Hunter: Fears of sympathies for the Marzist regime and fascist ideologies have led anti-fascist Uruguayans to organize teams of Nazi hunters to uncover plots and conspiracies by the elusive NSDAP (AO-LU).
• Nothing Is the Same Anymore: The National party’s victory in the 1958 election shattered 93 years of Colorado rule.
• Realpolitik: With its access to the vital German-controlled Western European markets reduced and under the rationale of a "turn to the OFN", Uruguay successfully approached the US and managed to make gains in the American market. This however has increased the dependency on the Northern Giant. While deals with Iberia and Japan had been made to balance growing foreign influence, the truth is that the lost markets cannot be replaced. As such politicians have began to argue for a détente with the Nazis, sacrificing their ideological disdain for fascism to keep their autonomy and economy afloat.
• Regime Change: Uruguay joins Brazil and Argentina's invasion against a socialist Paraguay, so that they can install a more friendly government to their interests.
• The Remnant: The Marzists are old supporters of Gabriel Terra's March Revolution and subsequent dictatorship, consisting of Herrerists and members of the Colorado right. Though the Marzist regime was eventually brought down, they're still an active political force capable of couping the government.
• The Scapegoat: As illusions of Uruguay's prosperity are fading, the government has turned towards blaming all of their country's problems on fascist infiltrators, currying favor from the OFN and uniting the populace against a perceived common foe.
• Western Terrorists: The Quinta Columna is a Nazi terrorist group feared throughout Uruguay. They conduct several terror attacks within the same electoral year of 1962, showing how dangerous they are and foreshadowing the troubles Uruguay will face in the 1960's.

Council

Consejo Nacional de Gobierno

Role: Head of State

Party: Partido Nacional (Herrerismo-Ruralismo)^note National Party (Herrerism-Ruralism)

Ideology: Herrerism^note Paternalism, Liberal Conservatism, Progressive Conservatism^note Conservatism, Social Radicalism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} The Colegiado was another one of the reforms of José Batlle y Ordoñez that took its inspiration from Europe, concretely from the Swiss Federal Council. The idea of Batlle was that if Uruguay had a decentralized executive branch without a president, a dictatorship could never emerge.

However, the reform couldn't pass at its fullest, thanks to the division of the Colorado Party and the conservative reaction to Batllist reforms, so a compromise had to be made where the Presidency would exist but it would have to share the executive power with the Council. This was not to last, because the dictator Gabriel Terra abolished the Council, thus proving Batlle's point.

With the end of the Marzist regime and the following democratization, the Colegiado was instituted as Batlle originally intended in 1952. But it has not benefited the country, for the contrary, the Consejo Nacional de Gobierno has gained a reputation for stalling at every point, and it is highly disliked among the people. The parliament is debating its abolition and the restoration of the Presidency, but that is easier said than done. According to the Uruguayan constitution, constitutional plebiscites have to reach a 35% of the vote on the day of the elections to have effect. That electoral threshold is impossible to reach according to politicians of the right-wing of the National Party, and so they are looking for radical ways to abolish the Colegiado

As a certain someone said: "With the Colegiado, in five years the Blancos will win and in fifteen we will have a military coup".

Let's just hope it doesn't come down to that.

---

• Democracy Is Flawed: The Consejo is notorious for stalling and being incredibly inefficient, leading many to advocate the abolition of it and replacing it with a presidential system. Eventually, it gets so bad that Uruguay will decide to abolish it by 1966 in favor of a more traditional presidency.
• Irony: The idea behind the Consejo was that its existance would prevent coup attempts, when its dysfunctionality is what justifies the need for one.
• Short-Lived Leadership: The president of the Consejo Nacional de Gobierno is a position that is only held for one year before they’re rotated out.

Starting Herrerist Presidents of the Council

Eduardo Víctor Haedo

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government

Party: Partido Nacional (Herrerismo-Ruralismo)^note National Party (Herrerism-Ruralism), Partido Nacional (Herrerismo Ortodoxo)^note National Party (Orthodox Herrerism)

Ideology: Herrerism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Love or hate him, Haedo is one of those characters that make Uruguayan political life interesting. Don't let his luxurious mansion in Punta del Este - to which he might invite you if you pique his curiosity - trick you, Haedo is a self-made man. Born into poverty, he has achieved everything by hard political work.

Once a loyal Herrerist, Haedo as an established caudillo now forges his own path, betraying his allies and changing his positions left and right. Haedo's fellow Herrerists all want to get rid of him, since his open pro-fascism ruins the whole movement's reputation, his recent honest admiration for Castro and Guevara aside. But Herrera's death opened a window of opportunity to seize control over the entire Herrerist movement, and he will not surrender without a fight.

---

• Dark Secret: Haedo used to be the Minister of Public Instruction and Social Welfare for Gabriel Terra. However, now that the Terra dictatorship has become despised by parts of the public, Haedo likes to cover this part of his career.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: Among Herrerists, Haedo's undisguised admiration for fascism and communist revolutionaries like Guevara have proved controversial, as his figure is used by their adversaries to call them fascists.
• Rags to Riches: Haedo was born to a low-class family as a love child, and was discriminated due to that during his youth. However, his hard work and dedication allowed him to rise as a famous and prominent politician.
• We Hardly Knew Ye: Haedo’s mandate will end 2 months into the game, and he will be rotated out as President of the National Council of Government for Faustino Harrison.
• Wild Card: His allegiances can switch on a dime, willing to betray his allies or switch his political stances whenever it suits him.

Faustino Harrison

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government

Party: Partido Nacional (Herrerismo-Ruralismo)^note National Party (Herrerism-Ruralism)

Ideology: Herrerism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} A former high school teacher finds himself in the historic position of being the last President of the Council of the Herrerist-Ruralist government elected in 1958. Certainly, Harrison has reasons to be proud of all that his movement has accomplished. But he can't shake off the feeling that tells him that he should do more, that he should try to save his country.

Graduating as a notary public in 1928, Harrison developed his activity in the department of Florida. After the resignation of Alberto Gallinal Heber from the intendancy in 1951, Harrison took over as his alternate. Afterwards he was one of the founders and most important leaders of the Federal Ruralist Action League. Many Ruralists, like their leader Benito Nardone, have become disappointed in politics and want to retreat from the political arena and focus on unionism. But Harrison still sees the merit in political participation.

---

• Failure Is the Only Option: After he takes power in March, Harrison will try to coup the government, because he wants to abolish the Colegiado by force. It will always fail, but it sets the stage that a coup can happen if the Colegiado makes Uruguay too unstable.
• Jumping Off the Slippery Slope: Unlike his fellow Ruralists, Harrison still wants to participate in politics and even thinks that he should do more to try to save his country. This comes to backfire when he forcefully tries to abolish the Colegiado through an illegitimate coup.
• Starter Villain: Out of reckless abandon, Harrison tries to coup the Uruguayan government and destroy the Colegiado through forceful means.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: He is likely right that the Colegiado must be abolished if Uruguayan democracy is to survive, but attempting a coup to do so just sets an ominous precedent for future takovers to be initiated, potentially setting Uruguay on the path to tyranny.

1962-1963 Presidents of the Council

Alberto Arocena

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1962 election)

Party: Partido Nacional (Herrerismo-Ruralismo)^note National Party (Herrerism-Ruralism)

Ideology: Herrerism^note Paternalism

---

• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: The Americanophilia of the Ruralists stands in sharp contrast to the anti-Americanism of the Herrerists, and it remains to be seen if the coalition can last if the alliance is victorious in the 1962 elections.

Daniel Fernández Crespo

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1962 election)

Party: Partido Nacional (Unión Blanca Democrática)^note National Party (White Democratic Union)

Ideology: Liberal Conservatism

---

• Defector from Decadence: Crespo left the Herrerists because they saw him as too right-wing, founding the "Unión Blanca Democrática" (UBD), a political wing of the National Party that unites various non-Herrerists currents under one banner.

Óscar Gestido

^{Herrerist-Ruralist Government Removed} 

^{Paso Morlán Revolution} 

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1962 election), Head of State (1966 election, Paso Morlán Revolution, Herrerist-Ruralist Government removed)

Party: Partido Colorado (Unión Colorada y Batllista)^note Colorado Party (Red and Batllist Union), Gobierno de Unidad Nacional^note Government of National Unity (Paso Morlán Revolution)

Ideology: Progressive Conservatism^note Conservatism, Transitioning Democracy^note Paternalism (Paso Morlán Revolution)

In-Game Biography (1966 election)^{Click to Show} Of all the military men who began their careers in the Marzist era, Óscar Gestido is among those who had no fascist sympathies and only did as they were told, remaining apolitical during the period.

Gestido always loved the air force, beginning his military career with the goal of becoming a pilot. And he did, flying a single-engine biplane from Montevideo to Asunción in 1926 as part of the official Uruguayan delegation to a Paraguayan commemoration. But that wouldn't be the end of his story, as Gestido kept climbing the ranks, being appointed in 1938 as the General Director of Military Aeronautics, being promoted to General in 1949 and finally serving as the General Inspector of the Army in 1951. During his tenure the air force was officially created as an independent branch, an event Gestido took great pride in.

After retiring, his resume spoke of a trustable military man, as so he was appointed as the Auditor President of the AFE, from which Gestido earned a reputation of being a good administrator who knew how to balance a budget. But it wouldn't be until the 1959 floods, and his appointment as President of the National Commission for Aid to the Victims, that a legend was made. The Uruguayan public saw in Gestido an honest man who worked hard into ensuring the victims were given the aid they deserved. Unsurprisingly, politicians soon began knocking on his door.

Now as President Gestido faces many challenges, he is a self-declared leftists that leads the right-wing of the Colorado Party and wants to ensure Charlone's influence is minimal while maintaining the unity of the party. And then is the task of actually ruling the nation. Gestido works hard, but he might find himself in front of a machine he doesn't understand, not knowing which button to press."

In-Game Biography (Paso Morlán Revolution) ^{Click to Show} Óscar Gestido is a man haunted by his past. For he in 1935 was a pilot, and the then Mayor was among those who spotted the rebel camp of Basilio Muñoz, located in "La Picada de los Ladrones", in the Negro River. The revolutionary leader was eating with his 500 hundred men, and the smog of the fires they used to cook revealed them. The camp was bombarded, and despite what rumors might have said, Gestido didn't take part in it, his task was reconnaissance. By that point the revolution was already defeated, but that was the final nail to the coffin.

Gestido didn't reflect on it, until the Motincito happened in 1938 and he saw how the Marzist regime turned more authoritarian and fascist-friendly. As he began to develop his left-wing leanings, he realized the mistake he had made by fighting for the government. He had the chance of joining a patriotic crusade and didn't, instead he chose to fight for those who were cozy with the Germans, those who were ravaging Europe and most importantly. England. Sure, he could use the excuse of "obediencia debida" to not feel bad about himself, but the truth is that he was not brave enough. Lopez Silveira showed a generation of young soldiers how someone can do the good fight despite adversity.

So, when Gestido got word that the democratic opposition was talking about preparing an incursion to free Uruguay, he decided to volunteer for it. He quickly was named as its leader, thanks to his military experience and his heroic statues for his work aiding the victims of the 1959 floods. Now in victory his name might carry the same weight as those of heroes like Leandro Gómez, but the old General can only worry about whether he did enough to cleanse the sins of his past.

In-Game Biography (Herrerist-Ruralist Government Removed)^{Click to Show} The efforts of the Blancos to politicize the military in its favor had been denounced by Gestido, who stated that "every country that politicizes its armed forces becomes another of the sad examples that proliferate on the Continent". But he was not heard, and the country paid for it.

The government of the Supreme Court tried its best, but lawyers were just not made to lead the nation in the aftermath of a coup sponsored by a foreign power with whom the ruling treacherous government collaborated. A new solution needed to be found, the nation required strong leadership. And so, the people began to look up to their heroes, and they found one in which they wanted to believe in: Óscar Diego Gestido, made a legend thanks to his work in the 1959 floods.

Now, Gestido was the last to be convinced in what was a campaign to draft him to the Residencia de Suárez. Certainly, Vasconcellos believed in him, after his own bid was rejected, but Gestido could prove to be the impartial man the country needed and that Vasconcellos failed to be. He only needed to be convinced of it, and so Blancos and Colorados worked together to convince the retired general to serve his country one last time.

Eventually he ceded, accepting to wear the presidential band. Now the new President of Uruguay has a hard task, protecting its democracy from both the external enemy that wants to extinguish it, and the growing internal anger that calls for justice to be administered to the traitors. But he is not alone at this task, he has the help of a national unity cabinet whose pillars are Vasconcellos and Tejera. And in the army, he has the support of Pereira and the rising star that is Seregni. With all of them working together, it is feasible for a happy ending to this situation being found.

Right?

---

• The Atoner: Gestido is deeply shameful for his past service to the Terra regime and his refusal to join the opposition out of cowardice. He wishes to redeem himself by bringing down the Marzist regime, created out of Charlone's machinations.
• Enemy Mine: Given the presidency after Aguerrondo's failed coup and the removal of the Herrerist-Ruralist administration, Gestido tries to build a coalition of Colorados and Blancos who did not participate in the coup. Though they may come from opposing parties, they have a shared interest in protecting Uruguayan democracy from those who would try to subvert it again.
• History Repeats: After the Marzist coup, Gestido can countercoup the military and restore Uruguayan democracy in the Paso Morlán Revolution, like Basilio Muñóz attempted with his failed Revolution of Nine Days in 1935. The more significant question is if it actually succeeds or fails like the revolution before it.
• Punch-Clock Villain: Gestido used to be a soldier (pilot) for the Marzist dictatorship in the 1930's, but he had no love for it descending further into tyranny and sympathy for the Axis powers. As such, he developed more left-wing views and is now a relatively heroic figure with Marzism gone.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: Deconstructed. His aversion to the polarized atmosphere of the 1958 elections and his desire to maintain the unity of the Colorado Party have led him to appeal to both right-wing and left-wing politicians. However, this strategy is not feasable in the long-term and his conciliation is just borrowed time before he has to commit to a side.
• We ARE Struggling Together: The "Unión Colorada y Batllista" is the right-wing of the Colorado Party, and as such is made up of conservative Batllists (who oppose fascism) and former enemies of Batllism like the Riverists or Blancoacevadists (who praised fascism). How exactly the UCB lema is able to work together and if manages to adopt a common ideology are issues present in both Gestido's democratic paths (1962 and 1966).

Luis Batlle Berres

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1962 election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Lista 15)^note Colorado Party (List 15)

Ideology: Social Radicalism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Left orphan at age 11, Luis was adopted and raised by his uncle, the renowned José Batlle y Ordoñez. José ended up being a father for Luis, and the young man decided to honor his memory by entering politics and expanding on his work. It was non an easy road, first he had to flee thanks to the Terrist dictactorship. And when it seemed that Baldomir would end it, he fell and Charlone took his place. When democracy was finally restored, his cousins, jealous of Luis' popularity, managed to name him Vice President of Tomás Berreta in a bid to stop his rise. But Berreta died and Luis proved to be an independent operator. None could stop now his attempts on honoring the life of his beloved uncle.

Credited by the prosperities of the 50s and the economic crash that shattered the Colorado hegemony in Uruguay, Luis always maintained that the Uruguayan people voted for the National Party in 1958 due to them being tricked or as some kind of joke, not thinking they would win. It seems that Luis can't deal with the fact that he has some responsibility on the first electoral defeat of his party in a century, a defect that could sink his third tenure, as has sunk his relationship with other batllist like Zelmar Michelini.

---

• Affectionate Nickname: He is known as "Luisito".
• Internal Reformist: Luis represents the Orthodox faction of Batllism, and as such, he has promised that he and his government will not deviate from Batllism principles, promising a return to the policies that made Uruguay the Switzerland of America in the first place.
• Is This a Joke?: Luis always maintained that the Uruguayan people voted for the National Party in 1958 due to them being tricked or as some kind of joke, not thinking they would win.
• Nephewism: Left an orphan at age 11, Luis was adopted and raised by his uncle, the renowned José Batlle y Ordoñez.
• Never My Fault: Luis refuses to take any responsibility for the economic crash that his government oversaw in the 50s which led to the shattering of Colorado hegemony in Uruguay, instead insisting people only voted for the National party because they were tricked.
• Taking Up the Mantle: He has decided to honour his uncle's legacy by entering politics and expanding on his work.

1964 Presidents of the Council

Augusto Legnani

^{70s Portrait} 

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1964 Rotation), Head of State (1971 election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Unión Colorada y Batllista)^note Colorado Party (Red and Batllist Union)

Ideology: Progressive Conservatism^note Conservatism

---

• Early-Bird Cameo: Legnani appears relatively briefly as a possible President of the Council in 1964 before becoming a Colorado candidate in the 1971 elections.

Amílcar Vasconcellos

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1964 rotation), Head of State (1966 election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Lista 15)^note Colorado Party (List 15)

Ideology: Social Radicalism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} A common criticism of Batllists is that they treat their ideology like a religion, being dogmatic about it and refusing to compromise. Vasconcellos might be the best representation of this trope, because his unwavering defense of the Colegiado has made what should have been an easy road to power into a rocky one.

Born in Artigas, the young Vasconcellos moved to Montevideo to receive his higher education. He became an elementary school teacher, developing a permanent and unwavering vocation to serve in the field of education, beginning to teach in 1938.

His time in Montevideo also saw him getting into politics, as the young Vasconcellos was a witness of Terra's coup and the Marzist dictatorship. He ended up as another opponent to it, participating in protests. This activity saw him getting in contact with Luis Batlle, with whom he would develop a friendship, becoming one of the "Young Turks", Luis' followers. Vasconcellos involvement in Quincista politics saw him becoming the director of Acción, the lema's newspaper, the Minister of Livestock and then the Minister of Finance. It ended becoming obvious that he would be the heir of Luis after he passed away, but his defense of the Colegiado even after it was proved to be failing the country put his position in jeopardy, as he was almost defeated by Jorge Batlle in a primary.

He managed to defeat that challenge, but orthodox Batllism lies split between his own followers, the Frente Colorado de Unidad who supported the UCB and Michelini's lista 99. And Vasconcellos knows that Jorge is observing the situation from the shadows, waiting for his moment to strike. If he hopes to live up to Luis' legacy, he will have to find a way of governing well and reuniting Batllism under his command.

---

• Meet the New Boss: Vasconcellos represents a continuation of the orthodox Batllist values championed by Luis Batlle before him.
• Principles Zealot: His dogmatic adherence to Batllism has led him to conduct an unwavering defense of the grossly inefficient Colegiado, which has only made his path to power much harder for him.
• Take Up My Sword: Vasconcellos is Luis Batlle's handpicked succesor, and after his death, Vasconcellos swears he will uphold his mentor's ideals.

1965 Presidents of the Council

Alberto Abdala

^{70s Portrait} 

Role: President of the Council^note Head of Government (1965 Rotation), Head of State (1971 election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Lista 15)^note Colorado Party (List 15)

Ideology: Liberal Radicalism^note Liberalism

---

• Suspiciously Similar Substitute: If Jorge Batlle got elected in 1966, Abdala will serve as the liberal Colorado candidate for the 1971 election.

1966 Presidents

Jorge Batlle Ibáñez

^{70s Portrait} 

Role: Head of State (1966 and 1971 election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Lista 15)^note Colorado Party (List 15)

Ideology: Classical Liberalism^note Liberalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} History doesn't repeat itself, but it rhymes. The true heir to the legacy of José Batlle y Ordoñez was his nephew, Luis, because his sons turned to the right-wing and became conservatives. And now something similar has happened to Luis, because his son Jorge is a liberal.

Born to a loving father that wanted to give to his sons what he never had, Jorge spent part of his childhood abroad, as the Marzist government forced Luis and his family into exile. Returning when things calmed down, Jorge started his political career on radio Ariel, working with a cousin of his during the electoral campaign of 1946, eventually ending up working on his father's newspaper, Acción. All these experiences taught him about the art of politics, and he finally entered them in 1958, when he was elected as a deputy for Montevideo.

However, by that point Jorge had developed his own political leanings, distancing himself from his father's beliefs. While Luis maintained that he did nothing wrong after the crisis of the 50s and that the system the Batllists had built was fine, Jorge started to have doubts. He happened to have an Argentinian girlfriend at the time, and visiting her one day, he decided to attend a conference that the Austrian economists Hayek and Mises were giving. There Jorge discovered his love for free market economics, which would prove to last longer than his relationship.

The death of his father opened the window for opportunity for him and his liberal vision to take control of the lista 15. And he succeeded at it certainly, but he had to lie. He presented himself as a developmentalist, because he knew that was the further the lema would accept. But now that he is the president he will have to face the problem that will define his career: how much can he get away with turning a left-wing group to the right-wing?

---

• Affectionate Nickname: Like his father, Jorge Batlle has a diminutive of his name as a affectionate nickname, being known as "Jorgito".
• Internal Reformist: Jorge goes against the traditional orthodoxy of Batllism and takes his party in a more free market direction, inspired by both the aftermath of the economic crash that the Colorado Party oversaw in the 50s and from his attendance at a conference by Austrian economists Hayek and Mises.
• Like Father, Unlike Son: Downplayed. While Jorge claims to follow his father's Batllist ideology, he wants to take the movement in a more right-wing direction, putting him in contest with the orthodox members.

Manuel Flores Mora

Role: Head of State (1966 Election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Lista 15)^note Colorado Party (List 15)

Ideology: Social Radicalism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Maybe Flores Mora is more suitable as a member of the Council than as President of Uruguay, but the electorate has spoken in favor of the restoration of the presidency and so he shall serve them as one.

A relative of the infamous 19th century dictator Venancio Flores, Manuel "Maneco" Flores Mora was born in 1923. He quickly showed a gift for the written word as he began to write and take interest in literary works. Being influenced by writers like the Uruguayan Juan Carlos Onetti and the Spanish José Bergamín, Flores Mora was part of the Generation of '45, a group of artists, mainly writers, who worked in the context of the growing urbanization of Montevideo and others cities from the Interior.

As is a common occurrence in Uruguay, Flores Mora entered politics thanks to journalism. His uncle landed him a job in El Diario, which he traded later for a job in Marcha. Writing on it, he managed to catch the attention of Luis Batlle Berres, who considered that the young man had potential. Maneco accepted Luis' offer to work in Acción, becoming one of the "Young Turks". Soon enough he found himself elected as a deputy in 1954, managing to be reelected in 1958.

In the fight between Vasconcellos and the clique of Abdala and Jorge Batlle for the control of the lista 15, Flores Mora, as a collegialist, was one of Vasconcellos main backers, to the point of being considered his second in command. It wasn't a surprise then that he was chosen as a candidate for the 1966 elections as a reward to his service and loyalty. The only surprise is him being the President and not the President of the Council, but Maneco appears to be able to deal with the situation fate put in his hands.

---

• Affectionate Nickname: He is known as "Maneco."
• The Dragon: Mora is considered to be Vasconcellos' second in command, with his rise to be the Batllist candidate for the 1966 election being a reward for his service and loyalty.
• Suspiciously Similar Substitute: If Vasconcellos wins the primary election, but can't run for office due to have been elected to the Council in 1962, Mora will be the Quincista candidate for 1966.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Mora was one of Luis Batlle's prominent supporters and will uphold his legacy if he is elected in 1966.

Jorge Pacheco Areco

Role: Head of State (1966 Election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Unión Colorada y Batllista)^note Colorado Party (Red and Batllist Union)

Ideology: Social Nationalism^note Paternalism, Right-Wing Populism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} A politician described by the American embassy as "a man with a good heart but not very bright and probably unable to take leadership after the death of César" doesn't inspire too much trust. And to be fair, that is the general reaction of the public, but nevertheless Pacheco was the man Gestido chose, and so he is the President of Uruguay.

Pacheco was born in 1920 as the son and grandson of politicians. He was the son of the doctor and deputy Manuel Pacheco, who was related to José Batlle y Ordoñez, since his father was the brother of Batlle's wife. His maternal grandfather was Ricardo Areco, a Vierists, and Pacheco decided to follow in his footsteps by becoming one. It would prove to be a bad choice, as Vierism, stuck between Batllism, Riverism and Sosism quickly died out because of its irrelevance. And some Vierists, like Eduardo Blanco Acevedo, became Marzists.

Perhaps in another life Pacheco could have ended as one of Charlone's lackeys, but lucky for his future political career he was friends with Raumar Jade and knew his family. The father of his friend, Raúl, suggested to Pacheco that he should use his family connections with the Batlles in order to get a job in "El Día", the Batllists newspaper, Pacheco realized that it was a good opportunity, and so he took the advice and ended up as a reporter. He wrote articles that supported the candidacy of Gestido, and soon enough he obtained enough prestige to be a candidate for deputy and senator.

The path to the presidency was an accidental one, Gestido and the other high-profile members of the UCB wouldn't resign from the Council in order to run, the General's friends refused the offer of being President and a candidate was needed before Charlone could use the lack of one as an advantage to nominate someone loyal to him. In the end Pacheco was chosen and elected. His detractor says that he is a dull man, but whether this is true or not, Pachecho will need to prove it during his presidency.

---

• No-Respect Guy: Pacheco is widely considered unfit for the presidency by the public, political establishment and foreign observers. The only reason why he gets chosen by the Colorado Party as their presidential candidate is because Gestido needed to pick someone quickly before Charlone appointed a proto-fascist candidate.

Alberto Gallinal Heber

Role: Head of State (1966 election)

Party: Partido Nacional (Movimiento Nacional de Rocha-Reconstrucción Blanca)^note National Party (National Movement of Rocha-White Reconstruction)

Ideology: Liberal Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Alberto Gallinal Heber had everything in life to do what he wanted. He could have been a painter, pianist, perhaps an opera singer, a notable tribune, writer and poet, performer, prestigious lawyer and who knows how many more things. But no, he preferred to be a servant and fight against misery, hunger, illiteracy and disease. He fixed hospitals, built schools, houses, cut thorns, bagged locusts and dug ditches. And now he is the President of Uruguay.

The fourth son of Alejandro Gallinal, a noteworthy rancher and politician in the times of Batlle y Ordoñez, Gallinal Heber found himself managing his family lands before joining the ARU. He stood out in the organization for his work on horse breeding and in fighting mange and foot-and-mouth disease, and soon he found himself as the president of the Florida chapter, having made a name for himself. Later he formally joined politics and was among the founders of the Unión Blanca y Democrática in 1956, being a candidate to the Council in 1958 but failing to be elected.

In the meantime, he continued to carry out his characteristic philanthropic work, being part of the National Commission for Aid to the Victims presided by Gestido, directing the construction of new premises for rural schools, the remodeling of the Pereira Rossell Hospital maternity and the Maciel hospital, among other notable things. As always, he kept his involvement in politics, and in 1964, feeling that the UBD was corrupt, ineffective and soft on trade unionism, he and a few others split to create their own sector, the Movimiento Nacional de Rocha, condemning the UBD to death.

Of course, the MNR by its own couldn't be elected, even with Gallinal Heber as their candidate, so a coalition with a UBD remnant, the Reconstrucción Blanca, was formed. They managed to win in the end, but now they have to keep their coalition together if Gallinal Heber hopes to continue his work.

---

• Defector from Decadence: Gallinal Heber originally split from the UBD as he found it to be corrupt, ineffective and soft on trade unionism.
• Start My Own: He was one of the founders of the UBD, but later split from them to form the MNR, adopting a more left-wing agenda.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: Gallinal Heber has to share the National Party with the Herrerists, who are more right-wing and anti-American than MNR. Keeping the party united will be difficult.

Martín Echegoyen

Role: Head of State (1966 election)

Party: Partido Nacional (Herrerismo-Ruralismo)^note National Party (Herrerism-Ruralism)

Ideology: Herrerism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} For a man who was called "the most intelligent man at the service of the caudillo Herrera", Echegoyen quickly went against his mentor's wishes by maintaining the alliance with the Ruralists and cooling down the anti-Americanism of the Herrerists. But perhaps it was his own intelligence that told him that he should go against what Herrera wanted if it proved beneficial to him.

Echegoyen's political life began not where you would expect from the leader of the main wing of Herrerism, as in his young days he was part of the Partido Blanco Radical, a left-wing and anti-Herrerist split of the National Party. It was not to last however, because Echegoyen changed his mind and threw his weight behind Herrera, which proved good to his career, as Echegoyen won his trust and subsequently landed a job as a minister of the Terrist gabinet. His participation in the Marzist regime wouldn't end just there, as Echegoyen negotiated with Germany the funding for the Rincón del Bonete dam, an activity that saw him traveling to the Third Reich and meeting Adolf Hitler himself, who condecorated him with the Nazi golden eagle.

Since then, Echegoyen has been called a fascist. His alliance with the Ruralists made him and his followers more amicable to the US, which reduced the weight behind this line of attack. However, it was a betrayal of what Herrera believed in, and it was felt when the orthodox Herrerist won a considerable number of votes in the 1962 elections, enough to scare Echegoyen and made him realize something had to be done.

The road ahead became clear then, to consolidate his position he had to beat them at their own game. The prize, if he is successful, is to have full control of the Herrerist movement and pass to history as a worthy successor of Herrera and as a great caudillo.

Of course, the Americans might have a say on his plans.

---

• Bullying a Dragon: If elected in 1966, Echegoyen will adopt an anti-imperialist position against the United States' meddling in Latin American affairs, which might invoke the superpower's anger.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Echegoyen was a loyal follower of Luis Herrera when he was still alive, and leads the main wing of Herrerism now that Herrera has passed away.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: Echegoyen has to share the National Party with the MNR-RB coalition, who are more left-wing and less anti-American than the Herrerists. Keeping the party united will be difficult.

1971 Presidents

Zelmar Michelini

^{70s portrait} 

Role: Head of State (1971 election)

Party: Partido Colorado (Vanguardia Batllista)^note Colorado Party (Batllist Vanguard)

Ideology: Social Radicalism^note Progressivism

---

Líber Seregni

Role: Head of State (1971 election)

Party: Frente Amplio (Independiente)^note Broad Front (Independent)

Ideology: Popular Front^note Progressivism

---

Wilson Ferreira Aldunate

Role: Head of State (1971 election)

Party: Partido Nacional (Movimiento Nacional Por la Patria-Movimiento Nacional de Rocha)^note National Party (National Movement for the Fatherland-National Movement of Rocha)

Ideology: Centrist Progressivism^note Liberal Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Wilson Ferreira Aldunate's enemies call him a sophist. Others claim that his "relentless voice" and "good looks" have "wrought havoc on several generations of women". But Blancos look on him as the hope of a new generation of their party.

Wilson doesn't use the word, but people call him a progressive. This seems strange to some-he's a Blanco, a National Party man; he should be a conservative through and through, should he not? But only fools doubt that his ideological dissent from the PN renders him ashamed of his Blanco background. He got it from his family. Though Wilson Ferreira Aldunate's birthplace is actually the town of José Batlle y Ordoñez, the birth certificate records it as Nico Pérez some distance away-for his family would sooner die than let the newborn's records be contaminated by the name of a Colorado.

Wilson's loyalty to the National Party should not be interpreted as blind tolerance for its evils. In his youth, Wilson was a Herrerist-but Herrera's faithlessness led Wilson and his family to defect to the Partido Nacional Independiente. Under Carlos Quijano's wise mentorship, Wilson began his political life, fought against Marzism, and supported the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War.

Time passed. The early 60s knew him as Ferreira, a loyal liberal conservative except for his endorsement of land reform-for which his fellow ranchers called him a class traitor. But the end of that decade saw him become Wilson, warrior against corruption, defender of public liberties-for in those years the man had come to realise that Uruguay needed deep reform. Leftists heard him talk and cheered, 'blancos baratos' condemned him; in the end it mattered not. When Wilson spoke to the Nation of the destruction of corruption, land reform, and the nationalisation of banks, conservatives and left-wingers united to put him in the Residencia de Suárez.

The new President raises the standards under which the late Aparicio Saravia once stood: free elections and administrative honesty. Saravia succeeded in death-the question now is whether Wilson will succeed in life.

---

• Defector from Decadence: Previously a Herrerist in his youth, Herrera's faithlessness led Wilson and his family to defect to the Partido Nacional Independiente.
• Hope Bringer: To many of the Blancos in the National Party, Wilson is seen as the hope of a new generation of their party.
• Internal Reformist: Wilson has an ambition agenda that includes the destruction of corruption, land reform, and the nationalisation of banks.
• No True Scotsman: Invoked by many of his fellow ranchers, who consider him to to be a class traitor for having endorsed land reform.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Wilson continues the ideals of free elections and administrative honesty promoted by the old Blanco party leader Aparicio Saravia and promises to raise these standards.

Uruguayan Military

Mario Oscar Aguerrondo

^{Post-election} 

Role: Head of State (Perón-backed Military Coup, 1971 election)

Party: Consejo de Estado^note Council of State

Ideology: Interim Government^note Despotism, Aristocratic Conservatism^note Despotism (1966 military "election"), Herrerism^note Paternalism (1971 election)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Certainly, Mario Óscar Aguerrondo is not the first military man who desired to coup the Uruguayan government, and neither is he the first to have answered Benito Nardone's call for a coup to solve the Colegiado problem, but he is the first to have succeeded in the 20th century, managing to be left as the ruler of the nation in the aftermath.

One might ask what his motivation is; for starters, Aguerrondo is a Herrerist, and thus, at least in principle, an enemy of Batllism and everything it stands for. And like so many hardliners, not only in Herrerism but in the Uruguayan right in general, he believes that Batllism is either socialistic or communistic, or that it is a proxy for communists who want to destroy the country, and so it has to be purged if not outright destroyed. This opposition towards the legacy of Batlle and to the red menace was not unknown; it was precisely the reason why Nardone appointed him as the Police Chief of Montevideo. He was not ready for the position, but he learned to use it to build up his future military career. Attaining the rank of General, he defeated the opposition that watched his rise with worry thanks to his unsubtle fascist-sympathies.

His sympathies for fascism are precisely the reason for why one could make the mistake, at least in his eyes, of calling him a fascist. It matters not that many of the members of the coalition of forces that allowed his coup either admire Hitler, Mussolini, Franco or Perón. For Aguerrondo all those are foreign ideologies; he is just a Uruguayan nationalist, an Artiguist.

Would Artigas support what Aguerrondo is about to do? He certainly believes that is the case, and it is not like anyone can convince him of the contrary, given that they will soon be in prison or dead.

---

• Allohistorical Allusion: Once Aguerrondo launches his coup, Líber Seregni will lead the remaining constitutionalist forces to retreat out of the country, but he declares "I shall return" before embarking, mirroring Douglas MacArthur's speech during his departure of the Philippines in World War II.
• Dirty Cop: As Chief of the Montevideo Police, Aguerrondo began abusing his power to politicize the department in the National Party's favor, hiring Blancos like Ventura Rodríguez.
• Military Coup: With backing from Perón in Argentina, Aguerrondo will launch a coup against the constitutional government to end the Colegiado once and for all.
• Obliviously Evil: Aguerrondo wholeheardly believes himself to be the inheritor to José Gervasio Artigas's legacy and everyone better believe it because if they don't, he'll have them imprisoned or dead.
• President for Life: Downplayed. Aguerrondo promises to host elections after his coup and he technically fulfills his vow. However, the so-called election is shackled with censorship and intimidation to sabotage his enemies, making his election certain. However, Echegoyen and the Herrerists cut a deal with Aguerrondo to share power, so that the Herrerists can control the political scene, while Aguerrondo is given absolute power.
• Red Scare: He fearmongers Batllism as a proxy for communists to bring ruin to Uruguay and thereby deems it a threat that must be destroyed.

Omar Díaz

Role: Chancellor of the Republic^note Foreign Minister (Aguerrondo cabinet)

Party: Movimiento Progresista^note Progressive Movement

Ideology: Peronism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Omar Díaz is one of the newest additions to the old lineage of infamous traitors that exists in Uruguay since the betrayal of Artigas. And like Venancio Flores, who got the Brazilians to blast the city of Paysandú into submission, Díaz also supports an enemy who would do anything in his power to have Uruguay under his feet. Of all the fascist sympathizers in the Oriental Republic, Omar Díaz might be the worst of them (depending on who you ask) by virtue of being, unironically, a Peronist.

But perhaps "failure" describes Diaz better than "traitor". Díaz was tasked with spreading Peronism to Uruguay, and he has only 1500 votes to show for it after all these years. His only relevancy, and the reason he became Chancellor of the Republic, is that Díaz is connected to all sorts of nationalistic groups, from conservatives to Nazi guerrillas. His negotiation with them was crucial to secure the success of Aguerrondo's coup. But the fact that he calls Peronist before Artiguist angers many nationalists and makes them want rid of him...

---

• Beware the Silly Ones: While Diaz ambitions are impossible and he is foolish for believing they are, nobody can’t say that Diaz isn’t good at something, as he acts as the nexus link between various far-right and even conservative Uruguayan groups. One of his party members, Pedro Alvaro Andrade Aguerri, is a Nazi terrorist involved with the Anti-Semitic campaign of 1962 and other actives across South America; and when the time to prepare Aguerrondo’s coup arrives, Díaz is tasked with organizing the far-right groups and militias into assisting the army with the coup.
• Les Collaborateurs: Díaz's loyalties lie not with Artigas as with the rest of Uruguayan nationalists that support Aguerrondo, but instead with Perón, in Argentina, making him despised by many for willingly allying with a man who seeks to put Uruguay under his heel.
• The Cat Came Back: Díaz’s newspaper has been closed by the government many times in the 50s for being subversive, but given Uruguayan laws that guarantee freedom of speech and expression, he has been able to open it again.
• Epic Fail: His success in spreading Peronism to Uruguay has been a miserable failure, only having 1500 votes to show for it after his years of work.
• Failure Is the Only Option: The Uruguayan devs have confirmed that Díaz will never succeed on his goals and will never be the President of Uruguay.
• Hero-Worshipper: As it is common with Peronists, Díaz worships the ground Juan Domingo Perón walks on, but he takes it to the extreme of being affiliated to the Peronist Party as an Uruguayan and have been investigated by the Uruguayan state as a potential danger. When the police searched his newspaper, they even found guns. While Díaz claimed they were for self-defense, it is likely that Díaz planned to arm striking workers with the hope that his would lead to the police shooting them, which would have in his view lead to the downfall of the anti-Peronist Batllist government in favor of one more amicable to Argentina.
• Hoist by His Own Petard: Díaz's firm allegiance to Peronism can backfire as fears regarding Uruguay's growing closeness to Perón can lead to Moratorio couping Aguerrondo and ushering in an anti-Peronist regime, defeating the whole reason for Perón backing Aguerrondo's coup in the first place.
• Immoral Journalist: Díaz through his newspaper “La Escoba” is the perfect incarnation of the concept of yellow journalism, as he rambles and creates fake news about his opponents. His activities cross into seditious territory as he supports the publications of Nazi and terrorist organizations like FEDAN.
• Impossible Task: The existence of actual Social Democracy in Uruguay (represented by orthodox Batllism) and other minor left-wing parties makes Díaz's goal of spreading Peronism to the Uruguayan working class impossible. It doesn’t help that Díaz is affiliated to the Peronist far-right.
• Karma Houdini: For his betrayal of the Uruguayan nation Díaz will never be punished, not even in the Death Squad path, in which a price is put on his head. For all that happens to the Oriental Republic, either Díaz will die in irrelevancy as a free man or live as one in exile.

Juan Pedro Ribas

Role: Minister of Defense^note Security Minister (Moratorio cabinet), Head of State (Marzist or Death Squad coup)

Party: Consejo de Estado^note Council of State (Marzist), Defensa Armada Nacionalista^note Nationalist Armed Defense (Death Squad Coup)

Ideology: Interim Government^note Despotism (Marzist Coup), Despotism (Death Squad coup)

In-Game Biography (Marzist coup) ^{Click to Show} Ribas was just one of the many conservative military men in the Marzist regime, loyal Uruguayan patriots and ardent supporters of the Spanish nationalists. His loyalty to the regime was well rewarded, earning him a chance to meet his idol Franco and a spot as general. His tenure in this post was short as the Batllist demagogues soon seized control of his country, seeing fit to accuse him of being an Argentinean traitor, humiliating him by suggesting he would ever betray his dear Uruguay, a grave insult to his honor that would force him to resign.

An admirer of Eduardo Blanco Acevedo, he joined his movement after Marzism's demise. New life would be breathed into his career thanks to the politics of compromise in a move that got him into government as a man responsible for preventing coups for the people who labeled him a coup plotter. His tensions with Luis Batlle quickly grew into a macho affair where Ribas left the government and dueled Luis. This made him a darling of the far-right who Ribas would claim to the press, begged him to coup the government, something he would refuse out of a lack of desire to act as a tutor to his nation.

Clearly, Ribas has changed his mind. The Colegiado was an evil that Marzists fought before to defeat in 1933. When Charlone offered him the chance to finish their duty and restore order as interim president until new elections could be held, Ribas could not refuse. Yet now he finds himself in a familiar position under Charlone, a condescending paternalism like that he experienced under Luis, Ribas can only wonder if he is getting the respect he deserves.

In-Game Biography (Death Squad coup) ^{Click to Show} Above all else, Ribas is loyal to Uruguay. He dutifully served in the military under the Marzist regime and would have continued to do so under Luis Batlle had he not been tarred and feathered by him with accusations of acting as a lap dog for the Argentines, any man with a shred of honor would have resigned the same as he did.

Ribas' entry into the government would prove to be as quick as his departure, despising the paternalistic attitude Luis regarded with, topping off his exit with a duel between himself and Luis. This macho exhibition would win him the love of the far-right who he would claim that they tried to beg him to coup the government, rejecting these pleas out of a lack of desire to act as a tutor to his nation. His fame would earn him an invite to join Aguerrondo's coup only to defect when the plotter enlisted Argentine help, proving himself to be a Perónist stooge.

This situation forced Ribas to create his own paramilitary - Defensa Armada Nacionalista - to assist in defeating the coup. The takeover was prevented but the porteños, the eternal enemies of the Orientals could not accept this, leading to Perón's retaliation. Uruguayan women and children lie dead on the streets in the wake of the Platinean Blitz for daring not to follow Buenos Aires. The Oriental people cry out for each traitor to be hanged on a Montevideo lamppost for their evils. Ribas has been propelled to power by these desires for vengeance, offering the worried people the promise they desire:

¡Uruguayos, nunca más!

---

• Cincinnatus: Ribas will serve as interim president until the military can stabilize the situation in Uruguay and restore the democratic government, but with César Charlone's extensive influence, it's heavily implied that this promise will go unfulfilled and make way for another dictatorship. This is subverted in the Death Squad coup however.
• Downer Ending: The Death Squad Coup event ends with a disturbing and tragic note over Uruguay's future, as it suggests the permanent end of its democratic system.
  The Switzerland of America lies murdered, and its killers come from within
• Earn Your Bad Ending: Ribas' Death Squad coup requires a very specific sequence of events where Perón returns to Argentina and Aguerrondo launches his coup, but fails. However, the violence that erupts from the event and Ribas' dangerous potential as dictator leads to the worst outcomes Uruguay can find itself in.
• Evil All Along: The Death Squad coup is actually orchestrated by Ribas and, unlike the Marzist path, he's actually in control.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: By the time he was promoted to General, Ribas was treated with wariness for his admiration of fascism and his career would've been destroyed, had the Colorado Party not needed to keep him and reflect the image of a united front against Perón.
• From Bad to Worse: As if Aguerrondo's attempted coup wasn't bad enough for Uruguay, Perón retaliates for his failed proxy with a bombing, the Platinean Blitz. The hysteria it creates against perceived Peronist collaborators creates an opening for Ribas and his allies to coup the government and install a Totalitarian regime, far worse than any junta that could've been conjured by the military.
• History Repeats: Despite everything that has been done to prevent another dictatorship akin to Terra's administration, Uruguay can find itself under another coup and illiberal regime whose first face is Ribas.
• Nepotism: As part of his cabinet in the Death Squad coup, Ribas promotes his son, Julio César, to be his minister of the interior.
• The Puppet Cuts His Strings: Subverted in the Marzist path. Sick of being treated as a puppet interim president, Ribas attempts a self-coup to seize power for himself, but it ultimately fails and Charlone swaps him out for Moratorio as the new seat warmer. This trope is only avaiable during the Death Squad coup.
• Puppet King: After the Marzist coup, Ribas is made interim president and forced to go along with every word and order given by his advisor, Charlone.
• Short-Lived Leadership: In the Marzist path, Ribas is intended to serve as president until the 1966 elections, but this already short term can be cut off even sooner when he is forced to step down and hand power to Moratorio.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: If the domestic situation in Uruguay gets too chaotic, the military and their allies will launch a coup against the civilian government to restore order and abolish the Colegiado, promising to democratize at some point in the future. This is subverted during the Death Squad coup.

César Charlone

Role: Chancellor of the Republic^note Foreign Minister (Gestido Consejo and Rodríguez Cabinet), Minister of Finance^note Economy Minister (Marzist Ribas Cabinet)

Party: Concertación^note Coalition

Ideology: Controlled Democracy^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography (Minister of Finance) ^{Click to Show} Dr. Charlone is known by various names. You might be familiar with his most famous name "Fu Manchu", given to him thanks to his Revaluation Law of 1935, which provided the state with almost 50 million pesos without modifying the legal gold backing of the Uruguayan currency. Another nickname given to him is "Nazi", but only the perfidious left calls him that. César Charlone is not a Nazi; he is only a conservative awarded a Golden Eagle and might have been a guest of honor in Germany two or three times.

He already served his country as Finance Minister and President during the March Revolution, but he has returned to his old post to save Uruguay once again from the Batllist demagogy and its Colegiado. Charlone truly doesn't desire to govern again, he is just a very special advisor for the President, who is kind enough to regularly follow his advice.

---

• The Alliance: If Gestido's pro-OFN revolution fails, Charlone will seek an alliance with Germany to ensure that he won't be overthrown again.
• Dragon-in-Chief: In the Marzist coup, Charlone can mastermind Ribas rise to power over Aguerrondo so that he can take credit for the coup. From there, Charlone practically governs Uruguay with Ribas as his puppet.
• Hoist by His Own Petard: Charlone's removal of Ribas from the presidency will create an opportunity for the democratic opposition to launch a counter revolution.
• Red Baron: Charlone's most famous nickname is "Fu Manchu" for passing the Revaluation Law of 1935 that gave the state approximately 50 million pesos, but didn't adjust the legal gold standard of the Uruguay's currency.

Pablo Moratorio

Role: Minister of Defense^note Security Minister (Aguerrondo, Marzist and Death Squad Ribas cabinets), Head of State (Ribas succession)

Party: Consejo de Estado^note Council of State

Ideology: Despotism, Interim Government^note Despotism (Ribas Succession), Military Junta^note Despotism (Palace Coup)

In-Game Biography (Minister of Defense, Aguerrondo Cabinet)^{Click to Show} Coups are not strangers to Pablo Moratorio, not because he is particularly a serial plotter, but because his older brother was involved with the Motincito back in 1938. Moratorio didn't participate, but he certainly knew of it. In truth Moratorio doesn't have any problems with joining military conspiracies, it is just that if he senses that is not going to work, he will leave it and treat the whole endeavor as something that never existed and/or that he was involved with.

Being a Blanco, he was appointed as the President of the Frigorífico Nacional in 1959. In this position he became a familiar face to the people of the Interior and due to that recruiting him was essential for the success of Aguerrondo's coup. Now he controls the Defense ministry as a reward, but he has been dissatisfied with the state of affairs lately. As with any Marzist general he is pro-fascism, but he hates Perón because he sees him as someone who wants to enslave Uruguay to his will. Aguerrondo requesting his help was already too much for Moratorio to approve, but he dealt with it hoping that once the deed was done Aguerrondo would become more independent. The fact that Díaz is now a minister worries him.

In-Game Biography (Minister of Defense, Marzist Ribas Cabinet)^{Click to Show} Coups are not strangers to Pablo Moratorio, not because he is particularly a serial plotter, but because his older brother was involved with the Motincito back in 1938. Moratorio didn't participate, but he certainly knew of it. In truth Moratorio doesn't have any problems with joining military conspiracies, it is just that if he senses that is not going to work, he will leave it and treat the whole endeavor as something that never existed and/or that he was never involved with.

Being a Blanco, he was appointed as the President of the Frigorífico Nacional in 1959. In this position he became a familiar face to the people of the Interior; therefore, recruiting him was essential for the success of the Marzist coup. Now he controls the Defense Ministry both as a reward and to allay Blanco fears about Charlone stealing the torch of the revolution for himself.

In-Game Biography (Ribas succession)^{Click to Show} The story of Pablo Moratorio goes back to 1938, when he was just a colonel in the army. His brother Saúl was involved with the Motincito, and Moratorio knew it would happen. Allegedly he informed the authorities of the plot, although the truthfulness of this statement is highly questionable. In any case, he benefited from it thanks to his brother. When Moratorio became a general in the 40s he was known as a Marzist general, enjoying the protection of Blanco Acevedo and Charlone when democracy was restored in 1946.

His allegiance to the National Party made the Blancos appoint him as the Director of the Frigorífico Nacional upon their electoral victory in 1958, which proved good for Moratorio as his face became known in the Interior, which made him a valuable ally for putschists in the army. For a time, they believed that Moratorio would be the man who would grant them their desired junta, but he has failed them. Before being an ideological plotter, he is an opportunist. Maratoria would have no problems joining a cause only to abandon it if he saw it was to fail. His most saored value is to seek his personal safety and well-being.

With Ribas removed thanks to his attempt to turn his interim position to a permanent one, Charlone needed to nominate a President who would have the support of the nationalistic or putschist sectors of the now legalist-purged army. And Moratorio was up to the job. Unlike Ribas, he is happy to play his part, only demanding to be paid for it.

---

• Dirty Coward: In the Paso Morlán Revolution, Moratorio folds like a cheap suit in the face of massive pro-democratic protests and offers to remove Charlone from power in exchange for a large pension and legal immunity.
• Opportunistic Bastard: Moratorio puts his career before any ideology. He's happy to join any cause if it benefits himself and leave just as quickly if it's doomed to fail.
• Puppet King: After Ribas' failed self-coup, Charlone nominates Moratorio as the Marzists' new puppet. Moratorio, for his part, is content to play the role, so long as he's paid to.

Ventura Rodríguez

Role: Minister of the Interior^note Head of Government (Aguerrondo and Marzist Ribas Cabinet), Head of State (Moratorio removed)

Party: Consejo de Estado^note Council of State

Ideology: Conservatism, Transitioning Democracy^note Paternalism (Moratorio Removed)

In-Game Biography (Minister of the Interior, Aguerrondo Cabinet)^{Click to Show} When Aguerrondo became the Chief of the Montevideo Police thanks to Nardone, he decided that he had to do his part to contribute to the Blancos' cause. And so, he began to politicize the department, filling it with Blancos more loyal to the National Party than to their duty. Amid these new additions Ventura Rodríguez entered the scene.

Rodríguez quickly became known as an authoritarian policeman. Linked to Aguerrondo as he was, he became his sidekick in plotting a coup to save Uruguay from the Colegiado. On succeeding, Aguerrondo needed a Minister of the Interior. Instead of appointing a politician, he appointed one of his men. Rodríguez accepted, even if he had to retire from the military to assume his new post, but as a consolation prize he has his recent promotion to general to show. He might not lead troops, but people have to call him by his new title.

In-Game Biography (Minister of the Interior, Marzist Ribas Cabinet)^{Click to Show} When Aguerrondo became the Chief of the Montevideo Police thanks to Nardone, he decided that he had to do his part to contribute to the Blancos' cause. And so, he began to politicize the department, filling it with Blancos who would be more loyal to the National Party than to their duty. Amid these new additions Ventura Rodríguez entered the scene.

Rodríguez quickly became known as an authoritarian policeman. Linked to Aguerrondo as he was, he became his sidekick in plotting a coup to save Uruguay from the Colegiado. Unfortunately for the two, for their conspiracy to succeed they had to request Charlone's help, and the elder statesman took advantage of this by demanding influence in the resulting government. However, he had to make a couple of concessions; appointing one of Aguerrondo's trusted men as the new Minister of the Interior was one of them.

In-Game Biography (Head of State)^{Click to Show} There is a lot of cynicism around the concept of "necessary evil". Many men use it as an excuse to commit all the sins their hearts desire. But Ventura Rodríguez is different. He is one of the few who sincerely knows that what he has done is wrong, but that he had to do it regardless. He won't ask for forgiveness; he only wants to finish a job that is already done so he can go home.

By himself Rodríguez was of little note, but his affiliation with the National Party made him an attractive asset to Aguerrondo, who welcomed Rodríguez into his personal fiefdom: the Montevideo Police. Soon they became close and Rodríguez became a person in which Aguerrondo could trust to run things once he had to go, either by promotion or by the Colorados kicking him out. As such, Rodríguez was one of Aguerrondo's close allies by the time his coup came to be.

And they triumphed, and the Republic was saved from the Batllist demagogy that was the Colegiado, but Rodríguez then became aware of a bigger threat to Uruguay: the refusal of Aguerrondo and his loyalists to let go. To his horror, he realized that unlike him, his comrades-in-arms didn't desire the return of liberal democracy, and perhaps, any democracy at all.

Struck by this realization and afraid of becoming a second Baldomir in the eyes of history, he began to plot. And when Moratorio decided that Aguerrondo had to go, Rodríguez offered him the forces of the Minister of the Interior. But Rodríguez was not a fool, he knew that Moratorio would have to be forced out as well, and so it was done when he was sufficiently prepared. Now his thankless job is to somehow make the military ready to accept the fact that democracy is returning. Rodríguez won't accept anything else."

---

• Cincinnatus: Though he participates in Aguerrondo's coup, Rodríguez believes that it's a temporary measure to restore order before liberal democracy can be restored. When Aguerrondo proves reluctant to do so, Rodríguez will work with Moratorio to overthrow him and then turn on his ally to restore free elections.
• Consolation Prize:
  • To become Aguerrondo's Minister of the Interior, Rodríguez was forced to retire from the military, but was promoted to general as compensation.
  • Rodríguez himself serves as a consolation prize to Aguerrondo, if Charlone hijacks their coup and appeases Aguerrondo by appointing one of his most trusted associates to the new Marzist cabinet.
• The Dragon: Rodríguez served as Aguerrondo's second-in-command in plotting his coup against the Colegiado.
• Heel–Face Turn: He goes from one of Aguerrondo's closest allies to potentially being the one to foil his attempt to create a dictatorship.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Unlike Aguerrondo and his fellow conspirators, Rodríguez genuinely believed that forcibly destroying the Colegiado would save Uruguay and not serve as an excuse for them to hold on to power. When he realizes that his allies have more sinister intentions with their coup, Rodríguez turns on them.

Gabriel Terra Ilarraz

Role: Minister of the Interior^note Head of Government (Marzist Moratorio cabinet), Head of State (Moratorio succession)

Party: La Concertación (Partido Colorado - Blancoacevadistas)^note The Coalition (Colorado Party - Blancoacevadistas)

Ideology: Controlled Democracy^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} The eldest son of Gabriel Terra bears his name, differing only in the maternal surname. This makes differentiating him from his father difficult—so his supporters call him Territa, 'Little Terra'. Sometimes he winces when he hears that nickname.

The reason for that dates back to 1938. When Baldomir, a reformist Marzist, won in fair elections, hardliner Marzists attempted a coup because they wanted the régime to persist. Territa, solely out of personal ambition—a desire to exploit his position as the son-in-law of the hardliners' proposed president Blanco Acevedo—backed this putsch. In doing so, he directly defied his fathers' wishes to present the Terrist régime as a soft dictatorship, desecrating his own father's legacy.

Gabriel Terra the Elder retaliated. He started by rejecting the putschists' proposal to appoint him president of the national bank where everyone could hear him doing so. Then he did something more: he never spoke to his son ever again until a stroke paralyzed him rendering speech an impossibility. At first the son dismissed his father's anger. But the realization of what he had done sunk in. What had he committed this sin for? Some worthless money, some fleeting power? What did it matter? Not even being a deputy himself and defending his father's legacy from the liberals and communists could take the guilt off his shoulders.

Therefore Territa went along with Charlone's plan to restore the Marzist regime, a last-ditch attempt to cleanse his conscience. It is his deepest desire to further the March Revolution, to finish once and for all the work of his father. And for those who will seek to stop him, may God forgive their poor souls.

---

• Affectionate Nickname: Gabriel Terra Ilarraz is known as "Territa" (Little Terra) as he has the same name as his father, who was a President and Dictator of Uruguay.
• Dragon with an Agenda: When the Paso Morlán Revolution fails, Gabriel Terra Ilarraz becomes "elected" as Charlone's new puppet president. However, Territa has his own ambitions of enforcing his father's ideology and joining the German economic sphere.
• Embarrassing Nickname: He is uncomfortable with being called "Territa", which he got after he supported an attempted hardline Marzist coup and tainted the image of his father's "soft dictatorship", infuriating his dad enough to disown him.
• One-Steve Limit: He shares the same name as his father, so he's nicknamed "Territa" to distnguish the two.
• Over Lord Jr: Territa is the son of Gabriel Terra Leivas and he intends to carry on his legacy and ideals.
• "Well Done, Son" Guy: A posthumous example. For soiling the image of his dictatorship, Territa's father despised and disowned him all the way up to his death bed. Territa tried to play this off, but the pent-up guilt eventually overwhelmed him and now he's desperate to make amends by restoring the Marzist regime and his father's legacy.

---