Characters / TNO Brazil

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United States of Brazil

Official Name: Republic of the United States of Brazil

Ruling Party: Partido Social Democrático^note Social Democratic Party

Ideology: National Liberalism^note Liberalism

The United States of Brazil is the largest country in South America, plagued by a sordid history of corruption, instability, and dictatorship. With the Estado Novo regime gone shortly after the Second World War, optimistic politicians have fought hard to restore Brazil's democratic institutions and new political parties have since risen from the void left behind in Vargas' downfall. Still, the threat of a military coup looms over the young republic and certain actors may have radical ideas that could change the nation's future forever. For now, all of Brazil holds their breath as they enter into an uncertain time.

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General Tropes

• The Alliance: Brazil is an OFN observer member at game start.
• All Men Are Perverts: Besides Ney Braga, Castello Branco, Plínio Salgado and Costa e Silva, all current male leaders had some kind of extramarital affair both in real life and in the mod.
• Allohistorical Allusion: Brazil's Lobster War, a dispute over fishing ships catching spiny lobsters, happens against Germany (from Zentralafrika) and several West African nations, instead of against France like in real life.
• And There Was Much Rejoicing: After Adolf Hitler's death, Brazil receives an event talking about most political factions putting their differences aside to celebrate Hitler's passing. The only person who's not happy about it is Passos.
• Arch-Enemy: Brazil has a bitter rivalry with Argentina because both compete for influence over who will become the dominant power in South America.
• The Assimilator: Many ethnic minority communities are expected to assimilate into the majority culture. In one particular case, the influx of Japanese immigrants in the early 20th century led to accusations that they could not assimilate, so their language and culture are criminalized.
• Bilingual Bonus: The words "Order and Progress" are written on their flag, which is a national motto and a relevant theme to Brazil's narrative of if they can juggle the two concepts under pressure from the army and the Cold War superpowers.
• The Coup: Brazil can suffer from several types of coups, be them military coups, Lacerda's imperial presidency and Goulart's countercoup.
• Corrupt Politician: Brazil is plagued by political corruption, from the local town council and state governments, to the army and Federal government. Most politicians do not work for the greater good of Brazil, but for personal benefit.
• Developer's Foresight: The Operation Toucan focus tree from Lott accounts for whether Quadros or Goulart is his Vice President, switching the appropriate names for the path that the player is on.
• Divided We Fall: Despite their shared ideology, the Brazilian Communist Party was wracked with internal divisions and eventually split up into three factions between Prestes, Amazonas, and Marighella.
• Enemy Mine:
  • The centre-right PSD and centre-left PTB have formed a coalition with each other to campaign together and vote on shared common interests.
  • The UDN, the mainstream right-wing party of Brazil, is an eclectic mix of ideologues who are all opposed to Varguism and demagogic populism in general.
• Failure Is the Only Option: Inverted. Brazil will always win the World Cup in 1962, much to the celebration of the entire country.
• Friendly Enemy: Brazil is formally aligned to the OFN as an observer state, but they don't share the United States' willingness to embargo Japan and the Co-Prosperity Sphere, since the economic and trade boons they could provide are too beneficial to ignore.
• The Idealist: Most Brazilian leaders are dreamers who see Brazil as the country of the future and will seek to put Brazil on the world stage and make it prosper (Each on their own way, of course).
• Military Coup: Brazil can suffer from a military coup if it fails the 100 days crisis, Lott fails to avoid a coup from Denys against him or if military loyalty is too low.
• Mini-Game: Brazil has mini-games for Presidential and Senate elections, a military loyalty one, along with an infrastructural and industrial development one.
• Nepotism: In managing the loyalty of the Brazilian Armed Forces, the Brazilian government can curry their favor through nepotism at the cost of impairing their combat effectiveness.
• No Woman's Land: Gender inequality is still present in Brazil and even codified by legislation. For instance, no. Article 233 on the Civil Code states that the private property of a married woman must also be controlled by their husband. Fortunately, there are reformists seeking to overturn these unequal standards.
• Pirate: German and West African illegal fishing are not the only problem Brazil will have to manage in the Lobster War. Pirates also plague their territorial waters, harassing fisherman and taking tourists hostage for ransom.
• Point of Divergence: Unlike OTL, Vargas' first presidency lasted a little longer than 1945, in spite of the growing discontent of his dictatorship, which culminated in a military coup in 1949. Lott cut a deal with the military to remove Vargas from power, but keep his reforms to avert a junta government. Thus, a new election was held in 1950 and Eduardo Gomes won, altering the course of Brazil's history.
• Regime Change:
  • If a socialist government emerges in Paraguay, Brazil will immediately plan an joint invasion against them with Argentina and Chile, setting up a temporary regime there before a more friendly proxy can be installed. However, this goal puts them at odds with Argentina, who intend to keep their gains for good.
  • Brazil can participate in the Colombian Civil War to overthrow the central government. Specifically, the Colombian Revolutionary Union will be backed if the Brazilian President is Lott, Goulart, Kubitschek, or, more reluctantly, Lacerda.
• Small Name, Big Ego: Downplayed. While Brazil is a major military and economic power in Latin America, some of their leadership likes to think of the country as the world's fifth superpower, which it simply is not. Their nuclear capabilities are lacking and their projection is limited to South America.
• Succession Crisis: The 100 Days Crisis happens after both Lott and Quadros have resigned, leading to the President of the Senate taking power, then him resfusing to appoint the President of the Chamber of Deputies João Goulart, choosing to make the Senate elect a new one followed by some military officers sending an ultimatum where either a new provisional President is chosen in 100 days or they will coup the government.
• Timed Mission: If Lott and Quadros are removed from office, the legal inauguration of Goulart will be blocked out of distrust for his left-wing views and a leaderless Brazil will be thrown into chaos. Impatient, the military gives the legislature a limited timeframe to find a new leader in the Hundred Days' Crisis or else they will launch a coup to restore order themselves.
• Wild Card: Brazil starts out as an OFN observer, but it can ally with the CPS, choose neutrality, continue a path of OFN loyalty, and even go communist.

Starting Presidents

Henrique Teixeira Lott

Role: Head of State

Party: Partido Social Democrático^note Social Democratic Party

Ideology: National Liberalism^note Liberalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Henrique Teixeira Lott, the 22nd President of Brazil is in his heart still a military man. Lott developed his military career over the span of four decades. Not through nepotistic appointments, but using skill.

With the entry of Brazil into the Second World War, Lott was sent as a military attaché to America. However, history would force Lott deeper into the war. With the German invasion of Britain, Lott would work closely with Field Marshal Mascarenhas de Morais in commanding the Brazilian Expeditionary Force. Yet despite their best efforts, the island would fall and Brazil was forced to retreat. Lott would be promoted for his efforts, becoming a Brigadier General, and praised as a war hero. Lott worked on plans to defend Brazil from outside invasion, maintaining his ties to the Americans. As the Estado Novo regime fell in 1949, Lott would be one of those standing among Vargas' close circle of advisers. Deciding to act instead of going with his arms crossed, Lott proved instrumental in reaching an agreement that guaranteed elections would be held and Vargas was unharmed. He was personally involved in making sure that this agreement was maintained as he warned radical members of the military to allow the transition of power to occur.

Lott would be the minister of war throughout the fifties for both Eduardo Gomes and Juscelino Kubitschek's government. Lott, known for his dedication, stopped a coup attempt in 1955 ensuring that Brazilian democracy would survive and prosper. In 1960 Lott himself ran for the presidency, winning under the banner of the PSD. Lott now leads the largest nation in South America, however, Lott is still a General at heart, not a politician. Issues that plague Brazil, such as rampant inflation, he has been unable to deal with effectively. This combined with the fact that Jânio Quadros won the Vice-Presidency, a man with very different ideas for Brazil than Lott, turns governing into a challenge just as big as the wars that Lott fought in.

In-Game Biography (UDN blackmail failed) ^{Click to Show}In 1949, when then-President Vargas escaped to São Paulo, it was Lott who negotiated for his safety. In 1955, when the fascists and the UDN attempted to bring JK out of power, it was Lott who routed these forces. Now for a third time, the UDN and their goons have attempted to strike democracy with corruption charges against Lott and the Trans-Amazonian railway; and for a third time, Lott has stood tall against them, once again sending them running to lick their wounds and proving his title of "Defender of Democracy."

As his popular support hits an all-time high, with the Lobster War dealt with and the enemies of democracy bested once again, Lott prepares himself for his final and most important fight: the fight for democracy, to strengthen it and to make sure it remains alive, with the legalists as their shield.

This fight will be hard, but Lott led Brazil against the Nazis and won, the old Marshall is confident he can take on this final challenge. If he can do it, perhaps Brazil can have hope for a better tomorrow without the fear of dictatorships ever again.

The current president of Brazil, who has pro-OFN sympathies. Formerly a career military man who rose through the ranks through skill rather than nepotism, Lott is popular among the Brazilian public for his steadfast defense of democracy and this popularity allowed him to claim victory in the 1960 presidential election. Yet with a bad economy and the ongoing Lobster War, it looks like Lott's got his work cut out for him. Not only that, but Vice-president Quadros also doesn’t agree on a lot of things with Lott and seeks to remove him from his position.

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• Ain't Too Proud to Beg: If Quadros threatens to resign as Vice President, Lott has to beg him to stay in office, as much as he hates it. As far as he's concerned, angry crowds over the resignation of a popular politician are worse than losing his dignity.
• Armor-Piercing Question: In an early morning walk with Kubitschek, Lott is scolded for limiting the influence of the industrialists, as Kubitschek reasons that they'll need their support if PSD is to get elected again. Lott responds that the industrialists have no right to complain because they'll never willingly lower the prices of their products and harsher measures will need to be implemented if PSD is to make any progress towards equality. Kubitschek can't properly respond to this and concedes the debate.
• The Assimilator: Lott started a policy of integrating the mandate of Guyanna-Cayenne with the rest of Brazil.
• The Bus Came Back: Lott can return as Goulart's Minister of War after a failed coup by Lacerda.
• Corrupt Politician: To get Brazil involved in the controversial South African War, Lott makes contact with the CIA to shape public perception in favor of the war, even if it means letting them carry out bribes and intimidation in his country.
• Do Not Go Gentle: When Denys mobilizes his coup, he offers to Lott that he can end the conflict by removing all left-wing ministers in his cabinet, ruling over a unity government until the next term, and destroying the Lott Act. Unfazed, Lott refuses on all of these terms, even daring Denys and his men to try their coup in public.
• Earn Your Happy Ending: With enough luck and effort, Lott can resolve the Lobster War in favor of his country and successfully pull off Operation Toucan to curb the military's ability to launch any future coups. Getting everything he wanted, Lott gets to optionally part ways with Quadros on amicable terms, pass the presidency on to new blood, and return to his position in the military so that he may continue to moderate them.
• Everyone Has Standards: While he has ben accustomed to death and destruction from his military service, Lott is utterly revolted by a local rubber firm has been carrying out extermination campaigns against the indigenous people of the Amazon, which he compares to the genocides carried out by Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. Disgusted, Lott immediately deploys the police to end the injustice.
• Face Death with Dignity: In the event of a successful Denys coup, Lott will refuse to flee the country out of cowardice, sticking to his duty as President at the risk of death and only calling his daughter to tell her that he's proud of her.
• Fire-Forged Friends: Lott and Quadros start out as hostile enemies to each other, but if their relationship is kept strong enough through the presidency, they will begin to take a likening to each other and part ways on friendly terms.
• Graceful Loser: If the deep corruption of the Trans-Amazonian Highway is revealed by Quadros, Lott can be forced to resign as mass protests rise up against his seemingly incompetent leadership. In his resignation speech, Lott is internally fuming about Quadros' plot to have him removed as President, but he nonetheless resigns himself to his fate and earnestly hopes that Brazilian democracy will survive, in spite of his failure.
• Heroic BSoD: If the military overthrows the Brazilian government, Lott, about to be arrested, will be distraught and wonder what he could've done to prevent the coup.
• In Medias Res: His focus tree starts with the parts of the tree dealing with expanding Petrobras and suppressing the strikes already completed.
• Internal Reformist: Lott wants to eliminate putschist elements and promote apoliticism inside the army and if has a successful Presidency he can pass the Lott Act that will ease the situation.
• Know When to Fold 'Em:
  • If his relation with Quadros is poor and he ends up holding equal to or more influence then Lott, Quadros will take advantage of a corruption scheme in the building of the Transamazonian highway to tarnish Lott’s reputation in order to make Lott resign. Even though he knows it's just a power move by Quadros, Lott decides to resign in order to prevent something worse from happening with the unrest that would occur if he stayed.
  • Though he could rally his supporters against Denys' coup, Lott chooses not to, concluding the situation to be hopeless anyways and surrendering to spare Brazil any more suffering.
• Let No Crisis Go to Waste: During the South African War Lott decides to join it and declare war on the African Reichskommisariats, but not for some kind of OFN solidarity, he does it to show to the world that Brazil is also able to fight the fascist powers on it's own.
• Loyal to the Position: He was an important part on the negotiations following the overthrowing of Vargas by military officers, guaranteeing that elections and a peaceful transition would happen while avoiding radical members of the military from taking power, being personally involved with said cause, he has served in both Getulist and UDN-lead goverments to ensure stability and constitutional order will stay in place.
• Magnum Opus: Lott's pride and crowning achievement during his tenure is the Trans-Amazonian Highway, a massive roadway stretching across the vast Amazonian forest, opening the region to further development.
• Officer and a Gentleman: Lott is a marshall of the Brazilian army and is portrayed as calm and well-manered.
• The Purge: In preparation for Operation Toucan, Lott will fire any military commanders he deems a potential threat and replace them with constitutionalist officers.
• Pyrrhic Victory: Lott is a wildly popular politician for his military role in World War II, which made it easy enough for him to win the presidency. However, he's found little joy in his triumph, finding the political scene more challenging than any war he's previously fought in. It's not helped by the fact that his Vice President is Quadros, whom he dislikes.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: As part of his agrarian reforms, Lott can hold back crackdowns against the Peasant Leagues because, while he doesn't agree with their methods, he does respect their cause for greater equality.
• Red Baron:
  • He was recognized as one of the two "Smoking Snakes", along with Branco, for their leadership of the Brazilian Expeditionary Forces during World War II.
  • After negotiating for the military to stand down after their coup against Vargas, Lott became nicknamed the "Defender of Brazilian Democracy," thrusting him into popularity and culminating in his election.
• Stay in the Kitchen: Henrique discouraged his daughter from entering politics, believing it wasn't a woman's place and that it was a cutthroat "pool full of crocodiles".
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: President Lott and his Vice-President Jânio Quadros have a tense relationship, as not only did they come from different opposing coalitions, but also both seek to gain the upper hand against the other.
• Token Good Teammate: Lott was quite literally the only high-ranking commander within the Brazilian Armed Forces that was genuinely concerned with protecting Brazilian democracy, and also the only one who wanted to prevent the military from taking a more active role in Brazilian politics. Even as old comrades and personal friends like Branco and Denys have become much more radical, Lott remains steadfast in his belief that Brazil's democracy must be protected under any circumstances.
• This Cannot Be!: If Deny's coup is successful, a dazed Lott is left wondering how everything could go so wrong and what he could've done to prevent it.
• War Hero: He is regarded as one by the Brazilian people for his services in England and will return to the military if he has a successful presidency.
• What the Hell, Hero?: If Lott chooses not to intervene in a worker's strike by dockworkers, Quadros will chew him out for not using the power vested in him to fight for the common Brazilian.

Jânio Quadros

Role: Vice President^note Head of Government (Lott cabinet), Head of State (Lott removed and 1965 election)

Party: União Democrática Nacional / Partido Trabalhista Nacional^note National Democratic Union / National Labor Party

Ideology: Populist Conservatism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Known as "The Man Who Swept Brazil," Jânio Quadros is a unique figure within the Brazilian political system and has reached heights that many said he would never achieve. Born in Mato Grosso but raised in Curitiba, he would later move to São Paulo and study Law. Quadros entered politics in 1947, a man who disliked the Estado Novo regime for its growing authoritarianism, deciding to dedicate himself against it. With the collapse of the Estado Novo in 1949, Quadros was ecstatic believing that he himself had delivered a major blow to the regime and it deepened his passion for politics.

He would continue his career in politics, becoming a well known anti-corruption crusader who claimed to fight against corruption in all forms in Brazil. While he won the mayorship of São Paulo, he lost the governorship race by one percentage vote against Adhemar de Barros. However, this did not stop him and he declared he would persevere and sweep away corruption with a broom.

In 1960 he ran for the Vice Presidency of Brazil on a combined ticket of many political parties, including the PTN, UDN and PDC, plus other minor ones. In this election, Quadros outperformed his presidential running mate and reached the heights of the Vice-Presidency. Had it not been for the man to win the Presidency, Henrique Teixeira Lott, Quadros would have probably been able to have his way in pursuing whatever path he felt like pursuing, but instead he finds himself every day in a constant tug-of-war with Lott for domination over the other, which had prevented him from enacting most of his promises.

However this has changed now he has become President and now has the political power to enact what he wants. He has maintained his exhibitionist, dramatic and demagogic ways, annoying many who say Quadros will, in the end, fail to implement his plans. But he continues, ever stubbornly, to say that he will erradicate the corruption of the Brazilian State or die trying...

In-Game Biography (Vice President) ^{Click to Show} Born in 1917, Jânio Quadros has always been a prodigy wherever he went. His career started in 1943 as a geography teacher at the Dante Alighieri College in São Paulo, where he gained fame for his gregarious personality and eccentric behaviour.

The end of the New State dictatorship and the reopening of the parties allowed Quadros to gather enough support to be elected as a São Paulo city councillor in 1950 by the Christian Democrat Party. Quadros' Lusotropicalist behaviour won him the graces of Caudilho Salazar, who granted him the medal of the Military Order of Christ. In 1955 he won the graces of the Paulistan electorate and won the city mayoral election and finally ran as Juracy Magalhães' vice president in the 1960 election. In a cruel twist of fate, Juracy was defeated, and now Jânio finds himself as the VP to a man he is a political opposite. He has to make the best of the situation to keep himself afloat.

The eccentric and oftentimes dramatic vice-president of Brazil, who pushes for a more independent Brazil in the midst of the Cold War. Quadros likes to paint himself as a champion of conservative Brazilian values and the only one in Brazil capable of fixing its notoriously corrupt political system. Stuck in a political tug-of-war with President Lott, it remains to be seen if Quadros can fufill his lofty promises.

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• Allohistorical Allusion:
  • One of the first events is about Quadros visiting China and getting criticised by left-wing activists for doing so, mirroring the OTL visit of João Goulart to China that got heavily criticized by right-wingers.
  • Quadros has plans to annex French Guiana (Guiana-Cayenne in this timeline) in a military operation similar to the real-life Operation Cabralzinho. However, whereas the invasion plan was scrapped in OTL, Quadros can go through with it here.
• Armor-Piercing Response: When Lacerda indignantly chides Quadros for dethawing relations with Germany and abetting to their imperialist actions, Quadros calls out his hypocrisy in advocating an alliance with the United States and ignoring their own neocolonial meddling in Latin America. Lacerda can't muster much of a response to that.
• Bunny-Ears Lawyer: Despite being one of the most powerful politicians in Brazil, Quadros is rather crude and unruly, drinking and swearing without any shame. He's also prone to weird antics that confuse both his supporters and critics, such as inexplicably bringing two giant pandas from his visit to China.
• The Charmer: Quadros is an eccentric man, but he's also surprisingly charismatic. This is especially useful to Lott when he needs to get support for the Lott Act, in which Quadros can sway conservatives who would otherwise reject Lott if he were alone.
• Enemy Mine: Much as he hates Lott, he's willing to set that enmity aside and throw his full support behind him in Operation Toucan, which will depoliticize the military and weaken their power to launch another future coup.
• Fire-Forged Friends: Quadros and Lott start out as hostile enemies to each other, but if their relationship is kept strong enough through the presidency, they will begin to take a likening to each other and part ways on friendly terms.
• Hitler Ate Sugar: In his visit to China to work on Brazilian-Japanese relations, pro-OFN and left-wing groups accuse him of being a Nazi.
• Hypocrite: Quadros vehemently criticizes the corruption of other Brazilian politicians, but when he succeeds Lott after his resignation, he is forced to give undeserved pay raises to the certain military officers to buy their loyalty. Quadros himself acknowledges his hypocrisy, but feels he has no choice otherwise.
• Internal Reformist: Quadros presents himself as an anti-corruption crusader who promises to fix the broken political system of Brazil.
• Know When to Fold 'Em: If Quadros gains power by making Lott resign, Lacerda and Andrade plot his overthrow by convincing the Senate into forcing his resignation. If Quadros only discovers it too late and isn't able to counter act against this, it leads to the 100 Days Crisis.
• Moral Guardians: Quadros is a devout Catholic conservative who will try to pass legislation against anything he sees as signs of moral decay, like bikinis and horse races.
• Playing Both Sides: Unlike Lott, who leans toward the OFN, Quadros pushes for an independent foreign policy to curry favor from all three factions in the Cold War.
• Strongly Worded Letter: In case his relationship with Lott is stable by the time Lacerda tries to turn them against each other, Quadros sends a letter to Carlos Lacerda asking for him to give up any attempts of driving a wedge between the two, and warns that if Lacerda chooses to continue his efforts he will have "a surprise meeting between your lower disgetive tract and a broom".
• Team Switzerland: Quadros pursues an independent foreign policy, with Brazil being able to ally with whoever it desires against American interests by seeking both closer relations with Japan and a détente with Germany.
• Unwitting Instigator of Doom: If his relationship with Lott is bad, Quadros can join Lacerda and Barros' conspiracy to topple his administration by leaking instances of corruption with his Trans-Amazonian Highway project. However, if Quadros doesn't have enough influence, Lacerda will then work with Andrade to manipulate his retirement and remove him as well, starting the Hundred Days Crisis.
• We ARE Struggling Together: Despite being in the same party, Quadros and Lacerda hate each other, sometimes more focused on combatting each other's influence than planning any meaningful legislation or political strategy.

Presidents (1965 election)

João Goulart

^{Goulart after failed Lacerda coup}

Role: Head of State (1965 election, Hundred Days' Crisis succession), Vice President^note Head of Government (Kubitschek cabinet)

Party: Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro^note Brazilian Labor Party

Ideology: Left-Wing Populism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography: ^{Click to Show}João Goulart knows the political establishment dislikes him, but he doesn't care. Born in the rural south, Goulart became a skilled businessman and gained a passion for swimming and football. Goulart almost didn't enter politics, considering a career in football. This dream was shattered due to Goulart's bohemian lifestyle and catching syphilis, causing paralysis in his left knee that never healed. Goulart entered a depression, where he lacked a vision for what he would do. Seeing how the poor were treated throughout Brazil, he decided that he would fix this.

Goulart thrust himself into politics, meeting with Vargas himself and joining the PTB. He used his personal wealth to support his political ambitions and ran for the Chamber of Deputies and gained a seat. During his campaigning, he met two important figures. Leonel Brizola a key political ally and a good friend, and his future wife Maria Thereza. With Brizola, each rose rapidly in the PTB and took control of it.

When Kubitschek approached the PTB for a political alliance in the 55 elections and Goulart to be his running mate, Goulart accepted. With the victory, the PTB's influence and power grew. Goulart ran with Henrique Lott for the '60 elections, but was stopped by Jânio Quadros who narrowly won the election for Vice President. After a brief depressive period, Maria convinced Goulart to run in the Chamber of Deputies, where he would win the election and become its leader.

Goulart's career has reached its inevitable end, the presidency. His drive and ambition has not stopped and he has remained a humble man, wanting to aid the poor. With Brizola, Edna Lott and others by his side, Goulart aims to build a better Brazil for all Brazilian's. However enemies are everywhere and they wish to destroy Goulart, but Goulart knows that he can not fail. For the good of Brazil and the good of the poor, he must not fail.

In-Game Biography (Vice President) ^{Click to Show} Born from a family of Azorian immigrants, João Belchior Marques Goulart was already an adult when Getúlio Vargas chose him as his protegé when Vargas was vacationing in his home state of Rio Grande do Sul in the mid 1940s.

Goulart, called "Jango", is now working under Juscelino Kubitschek in the aftermath of his election, as he did the first time around. He plans to use this position to the best of his ability to improve the lives of the Brazilian people, prop up the economy, and support his own political ambitions, taking pride in Vargas' support for him.

In-Game Biography (Lacerda's coup failed) ^{Click to show} For a man with a lame leg most paths in his life had been tortuous, this had been no different with João Goulart's political path. After the hardships that came with being the direct potential successor to Getulio Vargas himself, came one if not the most turbulent electoral process in Brazilian history, which finally culminated in a disastrous coup attempt. But just like in his life, although the path was treacherous and with an hardships, Jango reached his destination.

Lacerda and his lackeys foolishly believed that they could successfully overturn the will of the people and their awful mandate to keen the privileges of their oligarchic benefactors intact. They thought wrong. the people stood defiant and strong in defense of their constitutional rights and their political will. Now with the UDN's quixotic farce defeated. the Crow has had to fly into exile in search of better pastures and perhaps more insidious benefactors. Once again, like always, eternally defeated.

With the ordeal now finished. There is still long and arduous work to be done. For more than 3 decades Brazil has embarked on the greatest economic transformation in its history, a transformation that can be said is finally putting it amongst the great powers of the world. However. it's finally time for the Brazilian people to reap benefits from this economic progress. For that many reforms in most aspects of society must be made. And they shall be made whatever they might cost, and whether the oligarchy likes it or not. For now, the solemn fact now stands and remains:

Jango Is Brazil’s President.

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• Being Good Sucks: Goulart's concern for the common people has made him quite unpopular among the elite, to the point that his ascension to the presidency can be blocked because of his left-wing and Varguist political ideology.
• Dramatic Irony: While discussing the military's influence with Brizola, Goulart mentions his plans to corral them, but also emphasizes the need to keep quiet on their plans, lest the military act before they do. The same event reveals that the army has already wiretapped Goulart's desk and heard everything they needed to know.
• Emergency Authority: He can enact emergency powers after a failed coup lead by Lacerda, said emergency powers can later be given up or kept.
• The Exile: Knowing that the military will target him and his family after their coup, Goulart flees Brazil to Uruguay, depressed that he will never be able to return to his home again.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: Goulart knows that he isn't liked by the political establishment for his reformist agenda, but he doesn't really care either way.
• He Who Fights Monsters: If Lacerda's coup fails, Goulart will grant himself emergency powers, prepared to implement his agenda, no matter the cost. However, this can also be Subverted if he chooses to give them up instead.
• Honor Before Reason: Despite knowing that the military wants him captured or dead, a newly elected Goulart flies to Brasilia anyway because it is his duty as President.
• Humble Hero: Despite his political power and wealth, Goulart remains a humble man, still empathetic to the plight of the poor.
• Internal Reformist: Goulart seeks to enact a series of sweeping changes to the national order called the Basis Reforms - they include things such as economic, educational, tributary and land reforms.
• Only Known by Their Nickname: Goulart is more oftenly called "Jango", a merger of his first and last names.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: For the PSD-PTB coalition, he is the go-to figure for unions to negotiate with, thanks to his humble and diligent personality.
• Red Oni, Blue Oni: The Blue to Brizola's red. Goulart is more prone to conciliation with other political groups when possible and to try avoiding taking a more agressive position.
• Taking Up the Mantle: Goulart has been preparing himself alongside his mentor Vargas to become an ideal political successor if assuming the Presidency.
• Undying Loyalty: Goulart has one for Vargas, his mentor.
• What's Up, King Dude?: Much of his popularity comes down to his down-to-earth attitude and willingness to meet the people he's trying to help face-to-face.
• You Can't Go Home Again: If either the military coup happens or Lacerda coups him, Goulart goes into exile in Uruguay like in real life.

Juscelino Kubitschek

Role: Head of State (1965 election, Hundred Days' Crisis succession, Military-organized election)

Party: Partido Social Democrático^note Social Democratic Party

Ideology: National Liberalism^note Liberalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} The life of Kubitschek is what he describes as the dream of Brazil, to rise from a poor family to the Presidency itself. Raised by his mother, due to his father dying from tuberculosis while JK was two. JK would persevere, gaining an education and later becoming a licensed medical doctor. In 1930 he would travel around Europe, missing the events of the revolution that occurred in 1930 cementing Vargas' rise to power. Once news of this arrived, JK traveled back to Brazil and on his arrival asked his future wife, Sarah Kubitschek to marry him.

Kubitschek entered into politics in Minas Gerias and advanced quickly. He became known for his professional nature and his signature infrastructure and architecture programs. It would be during this time period where he had a child Marcia in 1943 and adopted another Maria in 1947. He also met the architect Oscar Niemeyer that he would cooperate closely with.

As the war ended JK supported Vargas to the very end being a key ally that Vargas could rely on. With the restoration of democracy, he decided to carry on Vargas' legacy and ran for the legislature in the PSD. He became a popular figure and was the PSD candidate for the 1955 elections. He negotiated with the PTB and João Goulart to run on a joint ticket and support each other. JK won a decisive victory and with Lott's help stopped an attempted coup.

President Kubitschek focused on infrastructure programs and the construction of Brasília using the architect Oscar to design the city. He promised 50 years of progress in five and to the PSD and many Brazilians, he achieved it. Now President again, Kubitschek promises another decade of progress in a few years. However his ambition may be more than he can achieve within the few years he has, and certain business in Rio distracts him from the political sphere in Brasília.

The former president of Brazil from 1955-1961, who acts as a close confidant to the incumbent Lott. Kubitschek is popular for his professional nature and interest in architecture and infrastructure programs. Kubitschek promised "50 years of progress in five" and he made good on his promises, constructing a new capital city for Brazil known as "Brasilia" while focusing on improving Brazil's infrastructure. When all has been said and done, Kubitschek is not afraid to run for president once again if the opportunity arises.

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• Being Good Sucks: Kubitschek has a lot of radical plans of reform, but it's also likely to induce hyperinflation, a detriment to the Brazilian economy.
• Dark Horse Victory: After the Brazilian military coup their government and throw their support behind Lacerda in a new election, few expected Kubitschek to take back the reins and bring back democracy to Brazil.
• Drowning My Sorrows: If he loses the election he feels sad and disappointed in himself and decides to go drink cachaça at bars.
• Internal Reformist: Promising "50 years of progress in five", Kubitschek will focus on restoring Brazilian democracy over military rule and initiating extensive infrastructure plans.
• Magnum Opus: Kubitschek's greatest work is constructing the city of Brasília, which has since become the new capital of the nation.
• Nice Guy: Kubitschek is very friendly and personable, which is why he'll still remain relatively well-liked if his reforms end up producing lukewarm results.
• Open Secret: On the political scene, everyone knows that Kubitschek constantly cheats on his wife and has many mistresses, even though she herself doesn't know.
• Rags to Riches: Kubitschek was once raised in a poor family before becoming one of Brazil's most prominent politicians.
• The Remnant: If the Military Coup succeeded and it's decided to hold the elections in 1965, Kubitschek becomes the only possible Varguist candidate, and the only remaining hope for the Laborists.
• Timed Mission: Kubitschek's gameplay is reliant on optimism from the people, businesses, and foreign creditors. Setting annual plans of reform and meeting those goals will increase optimism, but if he fails to do so in a timely manner, Brazil's national unity and optimism will plummet.
• We ARE Struggling Together: Kubitschek leads a coalition consisting of the PSD and PTB parties. In the Conselho de Desenvolvimento, he needs to appoint ministers who will appease the interests of both, lest the coalition fracture and hinder their progress.

Carlos Lacerda

Role: Head of State (1965 election, Hundred Days' Crisis succession, Military-organized election, Imperial President)

Party: União Democrática Nacional^note National Democratic Union

Ideology: Liberal Conservatism, Anocracy^note Paternalism (Imperial Presidency)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} If you had told Lacerda in 1940 where he would be in 20 years he would have stated that you were a lying fascist. Despite this Lacerda would eventually become what he once hated most, a conservative. The child of left-wingers, Lacerda too was a communist in his youth and early adulthood. He turned against the idea after Germany destroyed the Soviet Union. Lacerda blamed the ideology of communism for the victory of the Germans in the Second World War. This disillusionment caused Lacerda to search for an ideology that would give Brazil a strong foundation, he settled on Social conservatism and economic liberalism.

Following the war, he became one of Vargas' arch-nemesis, founding the newspaper Tribuna da Imprensa to attack Vargas. For this Lacerda became known as the anti-Getúlio and was one of the main factors for the fall of Vargas, with the fallout of an attempted assassination on Lacerda being the final straw for the regime.

Lacerda became a strong supporter of Eduardo Gomes and joined the UDN, seeing this as the party that would build a stronger Brazil. The victory of the Kubitschek/Goulart ticket in 1955 was a direct threat to the future of Brazil in Lacerda's eyes. He joined the plot of 55 to prevent their inauguration. While this failed and he was let go with a slap on the wrist, Lacerda continued to scheme and was a fierce opponent of Kubitschek, Goulart, and then Lott, working with Quadros and Adhemar in alliances of convenience to attack their enemies.

The position of Governor of Guanabara was merely a stepping stone to his actual ambition which he has fulfilled, the presidency of Brazil. With this position, Lacerda will not fail as his predecessors have, he will create a strong Brazil to resist totalitarianism or he will die trying.

In-Game Biography (Imperial Presidency)^{Click to Show}Embedded in the dark depths of every man's psyche; there lies an antithesis. An antithesis to every thought, every action committed onto life itself would have that eternal feeling of remorse for it. The idea that there could have been a different option chosen, and how much better it could have been for you. Yet, as Carlos Lacerda takes his seat, on the world stage, as the new leader of the Latin Colossus, there is no remorse. No dark thoughts of anxiety, no bleak ruminations of fear and no antithesis to what he has done. Why would a man regret saving his country?

Goulart was a snake, hidden among the vines, seething and hissing. It did and does not matter how Goulart had snatched victory from him, that Socialist had surrendered democracy to the iron-clad cruelty of the Communists. Perhaps Jango did not know that he was a puppet dancing on red strings, twirling and spinning to their melody of terror and fear. Perhaps he did. Either way, only Carlos Lacerda knew what had to be done. Only Carlos Lacerda could revive Brazil. Only Carlos Lacerda could divine water from the dry, desolate grasslands of Brazilian politics.

Goulart is gone, cast to the winds. With him, the groaning cadavers of populism and corruption breathe their last. Lacerda's enemies can lambast him with as many trumped-up charges however they like. They will not be in the history books.

70's In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}They thought that the former Governor of Guanabara was out for the count after his defeat in 1965. Somehow or another, they said, Carlos Lacerda managed to ruin what should have been a resounding victory into an avoidable failure. His career was over, people had thought - yet by some freakish miracle, now President Carlos Frederico Werneck de Lacerda has turned that conventional wisdom into abject folly.

Early in his life, Lacerda was a left-winger; by the time he attained anything resembling high office, however, he was a conservative in a similar tradition to the likes of Richard Nixon. A prominent newspaperman and the Governor of Guanabara - the state including Rio de Janeiro and its outskirts - he catapulted himself into the political scene in the 50s, when he helped force Vargas out of power. For twenty years he tried and failed to break out above the rank of governor; but now, at the time Brazil needs him most, he has been placed in the perfect position to provide for her.

The country is in turmoil; the Oil Crisis has hit and caused the stagnation of the once-booming Brazilian economy. Unless urgent action is taken, a recession will be the least of Brazil's concerns. Yet the new President is unshaken; he is confident that he has the willpower and the solutions to defeat every crisis that buffets Brazil.

Now, five years late yet perfectly on time, is Carlos Lacerda's moment, and he will make it count.

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• All for Nothing: After Lott is removed from office, Lacerda can work with Andrade to remove Quadros as well by forging a resignation letter from him and presenting it to the Senate. If Quadros doesn't wield enough influence, the plot will succeed, leaving a power vaccuum for Lacerda to win the presidency. But if nobody can resolve the crisis in time, the military will intervene, putting Lacerda's efforts to waste. However, it can get Subverted, if the military decides to hold elections and give him a heavy slant to win.
• Arch-Enemy: Vargas sees him as this as they have become arch-nemesis during his reign, with Lacerda founding the newspaper "Tribuna da Imprensa" to attack Vargas and playing a key role behind his downfall.
• Berserk Button: Lacerda loathes the Nazis, viewing them all as genocidal monsters who have nothing to offer to Brazil. As such, he becomes furious when Quadros normalizes relationships with them.
• The Chessmaster: The Hundred Days' Crisis is a massive conspiracy spun by Lacerda, with the help of Andrade and Barros, to seize the presidency for himself. His plan relies on giving information to Quadros about the corruption of the Trans-Amazonian Highway so that he'll leak it and have Lott removed. With Lott out of the way, Lacerda will then fabricate a resignation letter from Quadros and play on the military's anti-socialist fears to veto Goulart's succession, leaving a power vaccuum for Lacerda to garner enough influence and become President.
• The Coup: Lacerda, normally a candidate during the Hundred Days' Crisis and the 1965 elections, can also come into power through a coup against the democratically-elected João Goulart if he wins the 1965 elections and Lacerda was appointed President during the Hundred Days'.
• Determinator: He is very passionate about his political leanings and will make sure to put his ideals into practice and revert the polices of Vargas and his successors at all costs.
• Everyone Has Standards: Lacerda despises racism, which is why people like George Wallace and Wilson Leite Passos are anathema to him. Vargas' usual lack of racial bigotry is pretty much the only credit Lacerda is willing to give to him.
• Face Death with Dignity: After the military coup, one of their admirals, Costa Aragão, defects to Goulart's side and launches a raid on Lacerda's home at the Governor's Palace. However, Lacerda is not intimidated at all and arms himself in the possible event of a fight to the death with the traitor.
• "Hell, Yes!" Moment: Lacerda pulls one after gaining the Presidency.
• Hero-Worshipper: Lacerda admires the cosmopolitanism and social liberalism found in the United States, seeking to model Brazil after them and aligning closely with the OFN.
• Immoral Journalist: Lacerda is desperate to get Lott removed from office, digging through his history for any instance of corruption and even creating fake stories to defame him.
• Improperly Paranoid:
  • After an assassination attempt by a former employee of Vargas, Lacerda becomes very paranoid, coming to believe that not only Vargas but also all his political successors and subordinates are plotting to silence or murder him at all times (even though Vargas was neither aware of, nor had anything to do with the attempt).
  • If Goulart wins the election, Lacerda thinks he has to have cheated and finds his victory unachievable - this combined with his paranoid fear of a new Varguist leader going after him is what can motivate him to coup Goulart if he wins the election after Lacerda was chosen following the Hundred Days' Crisis.
• Ironic Name: Lacerda's given name is Carlos Frederico and it was given by his parents as homage to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Needless to say, this name is very ironic considering Lacerda's current beliefs.
• Irony: Lacerda has seen the political repression of Vargas's New State dictatorship, the rise of fascism and the failure of communism to contain the Axis forces in World War 2. This led him to reject socialism and embrace American-style liberal democracy and OFN alignment. His aversion to socialist rule is another of his motivations to coup João Goulart and install an authoritarian regime with an all-powerful presidency to reshape the country - just like the original New State led by the man he despises.
• Karma Houdini: He participated in a coup to prevent Kubitschek and Goulart's election in 1955 and, despite its failure, Lacerda was let go with a slap on the wrist.
• Karma Houdini Warranty: If his coup against Goulart fails, Lacerda will not be let go as easily in his 1955 attempt, as he'll be invariably extradited from the country for his insubordination.
• Necessarily Evil: One of Lacerda's most frequent political activities is clearing the favelas that lie on the outskirts of Brazil's cities, forcibly evicting their residents and leaving them to settle elsewhere so that the slums can be rebuilt to be more modern. While Lacerda acknowledges the harshness of this action, he deems it necessary and beneficial in the long-run to combatting poverty.
• Pet the Dog: To spite the German Consulate in Brazil, Lacerda opens the Anne Frank Secondary School in honor of the titular little girl, who perished during the Holocaust.
• Red Baron: Lacerda is often nicknamed the "Crow of Guanabara" to reference his eagerness to scrounge up dirt on his political opponents and use it to defame them in his press.
• Self-Fulfilling Prophecy: In case he fails to coup Goulart and Jango decides to keep the emergency authority powers, a somewhat authoritarian Getulist goverment that wants to eliminate him from politics has come and all thanks to his attempt at avoiding one.
• Sore Loser: If he is elected President in the Hundred Days crisis and loses the 1965 elections to Jango his first thoughts upon seeing the results is that it has to be 100% fraudulent and keeps name-calling Goulart inside his own head.
• Unwanted Assistance: When Aragão and the other Goulart-loyalists are warded off from besieging Guanabara, Lacerda writes false articles defaming the traitors in nominal support for Branco's regime. However, his provocative work nearly pushes Brazil into civil war with these loyalists, so he becomes seen as a nuisance for the military.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Lacerda engages in numerous underhanded methods that could derail his country's democratic system, but he genuinely wants to create a strong Brazil that can resist totalitarianism.

Tropes pertaining to upcoming content

• Et Tu, Brute?: During a debate over the healthcare plans of Barros' focus tree teaser, Lacerda is stunned when the Governor of Guanabara, whom he handpicked for the position, announces that he will support the PSP on this front. Though he must continue the interview, Lacerda cannot believe he could've missed a drastic shift in the UDN's agenda.

Adhemar de Barros

^{New Adhemar portrait, coming in "The Crow and the Bull"}

Role: Head of State (1965 election, Hundred Days' Crisis succession)

Party: Partido Social Progressista^note Social Progressive Party

Ideology: Right-Wing Populism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Adhemar de Barros is a politician of contradictions, a populist that uses left-wing language but gets along with elites. A man who can connect with the working class but is highly educated and rich. A playful populist but a great planner. Adhemar is not a man whose ideology can be fit into one box, thus he is called an 'Adhemarist' a man whose only ideology is what is best for Adhemar.

Born in a family of traditional coffee farmers, Adhemar quickly rose. Graduating with a degree of medicine in 1923. He traveled to Europe and America becoming an aviator and learning multiple languages. He stopped practicing after the constitutionalist revolution of 1932 where he fought for his state, when his state lost he traveled to Paraguay and fought with them as a doctor in the Chaco War. He would return to Brazil and became a state deputy in São Paulo, until Vargas instituted his Estado Novo regime and closed the legislative houses down.

However this was not the end of his political career, Adhemar became an intervener in São Paulo and helped govern the state. From this point on, São Paulo and Adhemars destinies were tied as Adhemar advanced his career in São Paulo. He has been governor of the state three times and when he hasn't his political control of the state has still been strong. He has also run for the Presidency twice before, in 1955 and 60, each attempt gaining more than the last, and now Adhemar has succeeded, he is President.

Allegations of corruption, nepotism, bribery and other crimes can sink other politicians. Adhemar has had hundreds of accusations but none have sunk them. In fact he has turned them into a weapon against his critics. Yes he may steal, but he delivers. He has bet that the people of Brazil want someone corrupt who does work, than one who does nothing. So far he has been right.

Adhemar de Barros is the opportunistic leader of the PSP. A populist who gets along with both the elites and working class, Barros is heavily considered to be the most corrupt politician in Brazil who has hundreds of criminal allegations to his name. Yet, armed with a charismatic personality and an admission that "he may steal, but he delivers" Barros has managed to turn these allegations into a weapon against his critics. Unsuccessfully running for president in 1955 and 60, he will make sure to triumph against opponents this time and finally grab the crown jewel of his political career.

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• At Least I Admit It: Barros is one of the most corrupt politicians in Brazil, but part of his appeal is that he doesn't delude anyone to the contrary. It helps that he'll give some of the stolen money into populist reforms, which is more than what some other politicians can claim. As his supporters say, "he may steal, but he delivers".
• Crowd Pleaser: Barros is a populist speaker to its core and manages to get along with both the elites and the working class. Part of Barros' policy ambitions are fueled by a desire to secure propaganda victories with the general public, all while developing Brazil.
• Corrupt Politician: Just like in real life, Barros is known for being openly and proudly corrupt, and is perhaps the most corrupt man in Brazil.
• Dark Horse Victory: During the Hundred Days' Crisis, Barros is considered the dark horse, as most intellectuals agree that the odds of his winning out were near zero, which makes his victory all the more surprising.
• Enemy Mine: If Barros is banned by the military from participating the 1965 elections they set up, he gets more than furious and throws his support behind Kubitschek as an act of spite to their own-backed candidate, Lacerda.
• First-Name Basis: The game usually address him as Adhemar rather than Barros.
• I Did What I Had to Do: Even though he knows he is far from an honest man, Barros believes that all he did was for the good of Brazil and that no one would be hurt by that.
• Karma Houdini: Barros was a supporter of Vargas during the Estado Novo regime and acted as his governor over São Paulo. When Vargas was deposed, Barros had enough connections to keep his position and avoid getting removed himself.
• Man of Wealth and Taste: Barros' office is filled with ill-gotten jewelry and antique furniture. He also enjoys drinking French wine that he somehow smuggles into the country.
• Odd Friendship: Despite being on separate continents, Barros is friends with de Gaulle in West Africa and is a Francophile.
• Opportunistic Bastard: Barros has no definitive ideology; he changes his tune to whatever is most convenient.
• Passing the Torch: If Barros loses the 1965 presidential election, he will recognize that it will probably be the last good shot he has at the position for the rest of his life, so he pases the PSP candidacy to Vargas Jr. instead, while he acts as a senior advisor to him.
• Refuge in Audacity: Barros is frequently criticised for bribery and nepotism, but he has turned these accusations into a weapon against his critics. Yes he may steal, but he delivers (or rouba mas faz in Portuguese), and he claims that the people of Brazil prefer someone corrupt who does work over one who does nothing.
• Sleazy Politician: Barros is pretty much the definition of one. However, unlike most examples of this trope, Barros remains popular, in spite of his corruption, mostly because they see it as Necessarily Evil and like his charisma anyway.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Barros is one of the most corrupt politicians in Brazil, but he at least uses it to help Brazil in addition to his own pleasure.

Tropes pertaining to upcoming content

• Consolation Prize: Some high-ranking supporters of Barros, like Laudo Natel, will fail to get elected, even if Barros wins the elections. Barros compensates this in his focus tree teaser, where he grants them ministerial positions to make the best of their abilities and ensure their loyalty.
• Cooperation Gambit:
  • Edna Lott is one of the greatest threats, being a rising PTB star who won the Vice Presidential election. Though interested in containing her growing influence, Barros may cooperate with her on numerous policy platforms in his focus tree teaser.
  • One of his first optional choices in the focus tree teaser is to pass a healthcare bill by working with his rivals in the UDN, if he wants to undermine Edna.
• Corrupt Politician: In his presidency from "The Crow and the Bull" livestream, Barros employs a police of "roubas mas faz" to take the people's money in a slush fund. It's supposed to fund his reforms and build up a positive legacy for himself, but some of it will also be traced back to Barros' own pockets.
• The Fundamentalist: In "The Crow and the Bull" livestream, Barros mandates a class in Christian theology for all primary and secondary education institutions. Barros believes that every Brazilian has a duty to learn this religion, regardless of their personal belief system.
• History Repeats: One of his mechanics in "The Crow and the Bull" livestream is mediating his relationship with Vice President Edna Lott and either forming an unlikely truce or plotting to destroy her. In other words, Barros follows the footsteps of Henrique Lott and Jânio Quadros' tense rivalry.
• Pet the Dog: For all his corruption, Barros' presidency earnestly promises a healthcare bill that will make it more accessible for Brazilians.
• Realpolitik: Barros is content to cooperate with Nazi Germany and get economic investments, military equipment, and assistance for his nuclear program.. In an event for his teased focus tree, a German ambassador offers IG Farben's investment in resource extraction, primarily around Porto Alegre, in exchange for Brazilian exports; Barros eagerly accepts, even remarking that he did some translation work for a company when he was younger. Rightfully, many of Brazil's ethnic minorities will be upset by such diplomacy, provoking mass unrest in the Parana Crisis, as seen in "The Crow and the Bull" livestream.
• Sword of Damocles: In his presidency teaser, Barros intends to counter Argentinian hostilities by acquiring nuclear weapons and pressuring them into submission, hiring Admiral Álvaro Alberto da Motta e Silva to start the project.
• The Social Expert: His focus tree teaser demonstrates that he is a skilled social butterfly, regularly managing the interests of his associates and spinning an extensive network of allies. His populist platform, which appeals to both the working class and ruling elites, also reflects this.
• Taught by Experience: Barros' healthcare reforms in "The Crow and the Bull" livestream are motivated by his medical training and time in São Paulo politics.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: No matter what happens, if Barros wins the Presidential elections, his running mate Laudo Natel will always lose the Vice Presidential elections to Edna Lott (daughter of President Henrique Lott), and she (according to his presidency teaser) can be let participate in the government, leading to a formal alliance with the PTB if the player so chooses.
• Wild Card: Uniquely among the Brazilian political parties, Barros and the PSP are an outlier who don't really follow the typical partisan politics. While Varguists fight anti-Varguists and developmentalits fight capitalists, Barros promises a radical shift on the political scene and his appealing populism makes this a very plausible outcome.

Presidents (1970 election)

Leonel Brizola

Role: Head of State (1970 election)

Party: Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - Brizolistas^note Brazilian Labour Party - Brizolists

Ideology: Left-Wing Populism^note Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Some abhor Leonel Brizola, others venerate him, but what you will never find is someone who lacks any idea of his existence - for Brizola is one of the most famous and disproportionately influential politicians in the entire Republic of Brazil.

A leader of the PTB since the 50s and the brother-by-marriage of João Goulart, Brizola, governor of Rio Grande do Sul from 1963 to 1967, and at times a federal senator, has had a major say in Brazilian politics since almost immediately upon entering the political arena. Some, in fact, credit him as being one of the main figures behind Brazil's success in not falling to another dictatorship after the departure of Vargas.

As governor in Porto Alegre, he implemented a labourist, left-wing nationalist program, earning him the nickname of "Werewolf" and significant name recognition. Leveraging that and his connections within the PTB, he has pushed his party to assume more radical stances.

Now Vargas is out of the way, and Brizola has not only won the power struggle against moderates within the PTB, pushing the party to embrace a truly socialist vision, but has also entered the Palácio do Planalto as its tenant amidst the hitherto unheard-of chaos of the Oil Crisis. Brizola will do what he can to fix this, but he realizes that in chaos there is also opportunity. This crisis will be the best possible time for him to ensure his vision - which he believes to be the best if not the only way to bring Brazil into the 21st century - can be implemented not merely in the land of the Farrapos but throughout the whole of his beloved homeland.

The influential co-leader of the PTB and brother-in-law of Goulart. Leonel Brizola's fiery rhetoric, left-wing nationalist programs and willingness to stand up for the common Brazilian has earned him the nickname of the "Werewolf". Brizola is wholeheartedly supportive of his brother-in-law's ambitions to become president, and may even want to claim that office for himself one day.

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• Internal Reformist: Brizola is committed in doing many reforms such as massive nationalizations and expansion of the public education system.
• Rags to Riches: Brizola was born in Barefoot Poverty while his state was in a civil war, but in 1950 he married Neusa Goulart and entered the somewhat wealthy Goulart family.
• Red Baron: His left-wing, nationalist policies as the governor of Porto Alegre made him famous as the "Werewolf".
• Red Oni, Blue Oni: The Red to Goulart's Blue. Brizola is known for his fiery speeches, passionately promoting his beliefs and calling people to resist when the victories of said beliefs are in danger, he is also shown to be more prone of wanting to taking vengeance on his rivals after the failed coup against Goulart by Lacerda, and is supportive of Goulart keeping the emergency powers.

Edna Lott

Role: Vice President^note Head of Government (Kubitschek, Goulart and Barros cabinet), Head of State (1970 election)

Party: Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro^note Brazilian Labour Party

Ideology: Progressivism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}If, years ago, you were to tell Henrique Teixeira Lott that his daughter Edna was to go into politics for the Petebistas, run as a left-reformist, and become the President the same way her father had, the Marshal would scoff. "What do you mean, me 'becoming President'? And what the hell would my daughter want to do with that pit of crocodiles?" Yet that is exactly what has happened: Edna Duffles Lott, beloved daughter of her father the Marshal, has broken the glass ceiling, becoming the first woman in all Latin America to become head of state, and one of the first in the world.

Before Edna Lott was a politician, she was a professor of history and geography. She was married to Oscar de Moraes Costa, a military engineer, whom she loved deeply and with whom she had five children. But her husband's untimely death in 1959, on the eve of her father's election run, rendered her shiftless until she decided to throw herself headfirst into the PSD campaign.

That campaign, and the victory that it brought about, inflamed Edna's heart and made her want to do more. Ignoring her father's warnings that politics is a pit full of crocodiles, she powered forward. Leveraging connections with the older Lott and with Leonel Brizola, she rapidly rose to become the 1965 Varguist vice-presidential candidate; that has culminated in her entering the Palácio do Planalto as its tenant.

Lott begins her presidency surrounded by opponents from all sides. Some oppose her merely on the grounds of sex. Others oppose her due to her policies. Still others have myriad other reasons to refuse her support - yet if there is one thing in which Lott is like her father it is stubbornness. Having been elected, President Edna Lott will not give in anytime soon.

In-Game Biography (Vice President) ^{Click to Show}Born in 1919, Edna Lott's personality can be explained by the words of Sebastião Nery, "sweet and charismatic, enchanting with her words and her charm." Coming from a family of strong military tradition, Edna became influential in conservative and progressive women's movements for her work during Lott's presidency, making her a natural big tent female candidate.

In terms of ideals, Edna is an uncompromising supporter of democracy, favorable to civilian supremacy over the army, and a supporter of female participation in politics. If there is anything Edna Lott is known for, however, it's her unquestionable inability to take an insult sitting down.

President Lott's very own daughter, beloved for her sweet and charismatic personality. Initially a history and geography professor, her husband's untimely death became the catalyst for her entering politics. Currently the leading female politician within the PTB, Edna Lott wants to improve women's rights in Brazil and continue her father's defense of democracy while clamping down on the military's influence.

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• Breaking the Glass Ceiling: She can become both the first female Vice President, the first woman to run for the Brazilian Presidency and the first female President if elected.
• The Charmer: Known to be someone sweet and charismatic, Edna managed to popular among progressive and conservative women's movements thanks to her works during the Presidency of her father.
• Daddy's Girl: She has a very positive relationship with ther father Henrique, as both continue to check and compliment their respective political achievements.
• The Exile: After Goulart's unexpected death after Denys' coup, Edna will flee to Uruguay, fearing that she'll meet a similar fate in Brazil.
• Internal Reformist: Being the leading female figure in the PTB, she will fight to better the condition of women in Brazilian society and also wants to continue her father's ideal of less army meedling in political affairs.
• The Smurfette Principle: The only woman among the possible Brazilian Presidents.

Tropes pertaining to upcoming content

• The Lost Lenore: Edna still mourns the loss of her ex-husband and her first daughter, visiting their graves every time she is in Rio, even if she has to hide her grief from any watching journalists in Barros' focus tree teaser. The tragedy motivates her participation in politics to make them proud, to help move past the grief, and to pour that pain into helping common Brazilians.

Tancredo Neves

Role: Minister of Finance^note Economy Minister (Lott and Kubitschek cabinet), Vice President^note Head of Government (Goulart cabinet), Head of State (1970 election)

Party: Partido Social Democrático^note Social Democratic Party

Ideology: National Liberalism^note Liberalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}One could define Tancredo Neves as the quintessential Brazilian 20th-century man. Born in 1910 in the interior of the Brazilian state of Minas Gerais. Tancredo first came to prominence as an exemplar law student, then a renowned practicing lawyer. He would enter politics in 1933 as a deputy in the Mineiro State Legislature. Although he was from the very beginning an ardent Vargas supporter, he would leave politics after Vargas' Self-Coup in 1937 and would go back to lawyering for most of the Estado Novo Regime.

He would later return to politics in the late 1940s at the behest of one of his political mentors and personal friend, Benedito Valadares, to become Vargas' last Justice Minister before the coup of 1949. After the return of democracy, he would become one of the key figures in the founding of the PSD, a Centrist leaning Varguist Party, in Minas Gerais. He would then work in the Gubernatorial Administration of his good friend Juscelino Kubitschek, helping in his efforts to modernize and industrialize his home state. He would later famously as one of the leaders of the Varguist opposition in congress vehemently speak out and advocate against the attempt by President Gomes to abolish the minimum wage.

With the eventual return of the Varguists to power in the presidential election of 1955, he would first work as a major economic advisor in the Kubitschek Administration and then as the Economic Minister of the Lott Administration. This has given him the status as the mind behind the immense industrial growth and economic development brought by the PSD administrations. So although the current Oil Crisis might seem a difficult task for any statesman to confront. Brazil may currently have the best possible man for the job.

In-Game Biography (Minister of Finance/Vice President) ^{Click to Show}Tancredo Neves is a well-known figure on the Brazilian political scene. Eloquent, good natured, optimistic and strongly nationalistic, Neves began his political career in 1935 being elected as a city councillior by the Progressive Party. His mandate was extinguished by the New State coup; most of the 1940s were spent improving his public image as a reliable lawyer in São Paulo.

The post-Vargas democratisation brought him to the Social Democratic Party, where he became a close ally of Juscelino Kubitschek, having used his connections to guarantee stability in all sections of the government. As a minister of economy, Neves is a reliable banker who gets things done. Sometimes he comments about his future plans to be President of Brazil, a position that he is clearly capable of exercising with utmost diligence.

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• The Charmer: He is the best negotiator on the PSD, known for being the ace of the coalition on any matters.
• Determinator: Tancredo promises he will continue fighting for democracy during the military dictatorship and helps create the MDB like in real life.
• Loyal to the Position: He will happly work in most governments, thinking everything must work as planned and following all the rules.
• Number Two: Neves is a close ally to Kubitschek, using his connections to keep his administration stable and implementing whatever reforms his friend needs.

Ney Braga

Role: Head of State (1970 election)

Party: União Democrática Nacional / Partido Democrata Cristão^note National Democratic Union / Christian Democrat Party

Ideology: Christian Conservatism^note Conservatism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Ney Aminthas de Barros Braga is respected throughout Brazil as a competent man and one good at forming connections. His friendship with the maverick Jânio Quadros earns him the respect of right-populist and Christian sections of society; Varguist and Udenist politicians, after years of familiarity, also know they have little to fear from him. As a former military man, close friends with the likes of Castelo Branco and Geisel, he holds the respect of the military to an extent that even Lott never did. As governor of Paraná and mayor of Curitiba, he almost single-handedly presided over the modernization of his home state and its capital and catapulted himself into the public consciousness.

A member and then leader of the PDC, he ran for the UDN nomination and sewed the UDN, PDC, and other right-wing parties into a big tent on the right, unifying them in a way that Lacerda and Quadros, with their idiosyncratic personalities, could never do. But despite that there was doubt, given that conservatives had tripped over their feet time and again since the fall of Vargas, that he would be able to pull it off - yet he did, and now enters the Palácio do Planalto as its tenant.

What does Ney Braga want? It is simple: he wants a modern, Christian, democratic Brazil. He dreams of a just nation that worships its God by righteousness and treats its fellow man as the Lord commanded. Disconcertingly for the left and Brazil's youth, he views feminism and progressive social notions as unnecessary distractions at best and at worst Trojan horses whereby fascism and communism can seize hold of Brazil and bleed it white like they did the whole north of Eurasia. Yet the same people that condemn his traditional views are left confused by his economic rhetoric, which seems to be exactly the same as the PTB's with how he praises small business and the poor above the elite and foreign corporations. In fact, his ideal economic system and proposed reforms towards it are of a sort which many leftists feel they can support or at least tolerate.

But all this must take a back seat. The Oil Crisis roils the world, and has left Brazil nearly in ruins. If he is to maintain the confidence of Brazil long enough to bring about what he did in Paraná and Curitiba, he must fix that first - and quickly.

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• Moral Guardians: Braga is a quite conservative Christian Democrat with a particular disdain for far-left cultural movements.
• Reasonable Authority Figure: Braga is very friendly towards most moderate political groups and will improve political relations to promote political stability.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes: Braga managed to unify the UDN's coalition to the point of even having the antagonistical Lacerdites and Janio's followers rallying behind his candidacy, something both Quadros and Lacerda themselves could never do.

Getúlio Sarmanho Vargas

Role: Head of State (1970 election)

Party: Partido Social Progressista^note Social Progressive Party

Ideology: Right-Wing Populism^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}Getúlio Sarmanho Vargas, more commonly known by his nickname Vargas Jr. is one of the most unique political figures on the Brazilian political scene. Born in 1917, to the future Brazilian President, and according to some "dictator", Getulio Vargas, he lived from a very early age in the peak of luxury first due to his father's personal wealth and afterward due to his father's status as head of state. And due to that gained a scholarship in Chemistry at the American John Hopkins Univerity. Outside of some small propaganda stunts for his father's regime, he had planned to live a simple and primarily apolitical life. That was until the 1949 coup changed everything.

After his father was deposed in 1949, he was groomed by his father into having a political career. More specifically, he could extend his father's influence over the PSP and the Brazilian state of São Paulo. Thus due to his father's influence he quickly rose up the party ranks to gaining a candidacy for congress in 1955, and later even became Adhemar de Barros' successor as São Paulo's Governor. In such a role his new modern technocratic and entrepreneurial style of government gave him much popularity and good evaluations from all corners of the Brazilian media and political class.

Now, just like his father he has reached the top of the Brazilian greasy poll. For years he had seen his father's so-called "successors" in the PSD-PTB coalition fail miserably to fulfill his father's vision. And worse of all, he had for years to hear Lacerda and the rest of the degenerate UDN filth denigrate his father and his work. Now he shall right the wrongs of the last 20 years of Brazilian history, he shall avenge his father's reputation and finish his work.

It is time for Brazil to know what a true Varguist Administration looks like!

Getúlio Sarmanho Vargas, commonly known as "Vargas Junior", is the most prominent of Getulio Vargas’ children. The younger Vargas has developed his own distinct technocratic and entrepreneurial style of governing. Believing the UDN and PSD-PTB coalition to be ineffective in continuing his father’s legacy, Vargas Junior may one day seek the presidential office for himself to finish his father’s work the "right way".

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• Emperor Scientist: Vargas is a chemist who both seeks to develop a way to turn coffee into plastic and pursues a career in politics. During the Oil Crisis, he can invest in high-tech alternative energy sources.
• It's Personal: Vargas holds a grudge against Lacerda for accusing his father of attempting to kill him without any proof. He also dislikes the army officers involved with the coup that removed his father, who also tried to prevent Kubitschek from taking power.
• Like Father, Like Son: Vargas in his career seems attempting to mimic his father, however this makes some people worried that his seemingly increasingly authoritarian intial actions cause instability in Brazilian democracy.
• Only Known by Their Nickname: Although he is mostly known as "Vargas Junior" or "Vargas ", his name atcually isn't Getúlio Dornelles Vargas Junior but Getúlio Sarmanho Vargas^note Sarmanho comes from his mother's surname.
• The Resenter: He heavily dislikes the fact that he was not the one chosen to be the main name for a political successor to his father.
• Richard Nixon, the Used Car Salesman: In our timeline Vargas Junior died in 1943 from polio at the age of 26. In TNO, he survived and was groomed by his father into having a career on the PSP to extand his influence over the state of São Paulo, becoming was a candidate for congress in 55 then Governor of São Paulo in 1965 and a possibly President in 1970.
• Start My Own: After seeing years of what he sees as the UDN denigrating his father's work and the PTB/PSD coalition failing to fulfill his father's vision he decides to start his own candidacy for the Presidential office to do things his way.
• Superior Successor: Vargas is considered this during his ternure as governor of São Paulo when compared with his predecessor Adhemar de Barros, avoiding his worst excesses while portraing an image of youthfulness in the media.
• Wealthy Philanthropist: Vargas Junior is said by Barros to be a "rich boy philanthropist" in game.

Plínio Salgado

Role: Head of State (1970 election)

Party: Partido da Representação Popular^note Party of Popular Representation

Ideology: Integralism^note Fascism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show}When Plínio Salgado was exiled to Iberia following the failed coup of 1955 - that he had not even known about before it happened - many believed and were loud in their thanks to God or to their lucky stars. They thought it meant that neither fascism nor its dangerous cousin, integralism, would ever arise in Brazil.

Yet Salgado has returned and risen to power, silencing all of these overconfident fools.

Managing to win a plurality in a crowded race, Salgado knows he is detested by the majority of the country and by all other parties. Yet the disunity of those other parties, the PSD, PTB, UDN, and PSP, was what allowed him to sit behind the desk of the President in the palace his friend Kubitschek ordered built.

Opposition will continue: after all, debauched democrats and capitalists will obviously oppose the moral way preached by Integralism, Yet Salgado is not just besieged from outside but internally too. Many of his fellow integralists, led astray by the thought of Gustavo Dodt Barroso as promoted by Miguel Reale, want Brazil to become more fascist, like Italy is.

Salgado's work is cut out for him. He must at once work to implement his own vision, fight off Reale's revisionism, and successfully oppose the democratic parties... yet such a feat is easier said than done, and many outright deem it impossible.

The former leader of the Intergralists, now living as a political exile in Portugal. Salgado is a firm believer in fundamentalist and moral values, thinking to himself that Brazil has gone "astray" and needs to be redirected back onto the right path. With much of his influence over Brazilian politics long gone, it will take a miracle for Salgado to return back to prominence.

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• Culture Police: Salgado will put harsh censorship laws on media to help build what he sees as civil and moral society.
• Dark Horse Victory: At game start, Salgado is living as an exile in Portugal due to a CIA ploy connecting him to the 1955 coup, his party is thought to be no more than a husk and therefore is considered the dark horse candidate in the 1970 election if he's allowed to return. According to the news event about his victory in the election, the results of it come as shock to many in the country.
• Evil Luddite: Downplayed. Although Salgado is no Luddite, he believes Brazil is an inherently agrarian country and will make an effort to counteract the industrial development polices of the previous goverments.
• Evil Old Folks: Salgado is the most important fascist figure in Brazil and possibly the oldest President of Brazil in-game since he would be 75 years old in 1970.
• The Exile: After the CIA falsely accused him of participating in the failed 1955 coup based on his links with the military's far-right, the Integralists were outlawed in Brazil and Salgado was exiled to Iberia, though he continues to exert his influence over them from afar.
• Family-Values Villain: Salgado is the leader with the most strong traditionalist moral takes on family and society, going far beyond the other Moral Guardians Quadros and Braga.
• Fascist, but Inefficient: Salgado imposes strict moral standards on the population, leading to mass unrest and instability.
• The Fundamentalist: Salgado, a fundamentalist Catholic, will crack down on everything he believes to be moral degeneracy and decay.
• How the Mighty Have Fallen: Exiled to Iberia, Salgado has lost much of the political prestige he once held in Brazil and he's now living in a run-down apartment. Not even Franco and Salazar could be bothered to help his cause, meaning that his return to Brazil is exceedingly unlikely outside of outstanding circumstances.
• Politically Correct Villain: Salgado, despite being a fascist, is also an adamant anti-racist and integrationist, and many of his subordinates are indigenous or Afro-Brazilians.
• Nostalgia Filter: Salgado has a massive fascination with the Medieval and Colonial era’s culture.

Interim Presidents

Auro de Moura Andrade

Role: Head of State (Hundred Days' Crisis), Vice President^note Head of Government (Branco and Denys cabinet)

Party: Paralysed Senate, Legislative Gridlock (Hundred Days' Crisis)

Ideology: Interim Government^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Auro Andrade, hated by the center, right and left due to his actions, but a political giant in his own right. The son of the king of Cattle Antônio, Auro first entered the political sphere in the constitutionalist revolt of 1932 and after continued it becoming an enemy of the Vargas government with his charismatic speeches and business connections. With Vargas' fall and the birth of the Fourth Republic, Auro ran for senator of São Paulo and has remained in the Senate since.

When he woke up one day and saw a letter with the words "Be prepared" on it, Auro was ready for what was to come. What followed next was a shock to nearly everyone in Brazil but not to Auro, the resignation of Lott, and Auro working against both Quadros and Goulart to become President. An unprecedented act from a so-called moderate center of the Senate. But to Auro to allow either Quadros or Goulart to become President would be dooming Brazil to either incompetence or communism. Auro saw himself as the one man who could stop this and he did.

Auro seized the moment and while Brazil has fallen into chaos, Auro believes that a better Brazil will be forged out of these fires. Or at least a Brazil where Quadros or Goulart are not President. Despite the hatred thrown at him, Auro continues his current actions. The senate and nation is too divided to remove him, and soon they will be out of time to stop him.

In-Game Biography (Vice President) ^{Click to Show} Member of one of São Paulo's most influential oligarchic families, Auro de Moura Andrade knew what he wanted, and where he was going, since his youth. Having taken a hard stance against Vargas' censorship, both of his newspapers, "A urna" and "O Democrata", got clausurated for failing to comply with said censorship. Elected to office in 1950, he changed parties between the PTN and the PSD, eventually reaching the position of President of Congress during Lott's government.

Being a great orator, Andrade proudly took it upon himself to announce the military coup that placed Castelo Branco on the presidency. Now as his second-in-Command, he expects that after this brief time of political hygienization, civility and the rule of law shall be restored for Brazil, something that HAS to be done, but, in passing thoughts, he begins to feel that maybe he might have done something that's gotten out of hand, of which not even he is safe from.

The President of the Federal Senate, who serves as its moderate center that isn't affiliated with any party. His personal hate of João Goulart can potentially lead to the Hundred Days' Crisis.

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• Blatant Lies: If Lott and Quadros are removed, then the presidency would legally be passed on to Goulart. But out of personal hatred for him, Andrade blocks his inauguration by claiming that the "appropriate authorities" (read: himself) have determined that "constitutional abnormalities" have prevented him from taking power and leaving it to a free vote in the Senado.
• My God, What Have I Done?: After Quadros leaves the Presidency, Andrade refuses to pass it to the next successor in line, President of the Chamber of Deputies João Goulart, over "constitutional irregularities" - in order to avoid letting him in power. He prefers forcing an election in the Senate, which leads to the 100 Days. If a military coup later happens, he folds to them, but he does have lingering thoughts about how badly he messed up with his conspiracy.
• Pragmatic Villainy: Even as Neves verbally scorns him for collaborating with the military coup, Andrade does not send his escorts to arrest him because he fears that it would cause him to lose the support of the PSD and moderate conservatives.
• Short-Lived Leadership: Andrade becomes President of Brazil after Lott and Quadros have left the Presidency, since he is the President of the Federal Senate. He rules until a new President is chosen in the Hundred Days' Crisis or after it ends in a Military Coup.
• Sycophantic Servant: In the event of a military coup, Andrade bends to the new regime and becomes Branco's Head of Government, largely content to keep paying them lip service if it means he won't be targeted.

Ranieri Mazzili

Role: Head of Government (Andrade cabinet), Head of State (Interim President)

Party: Legislative Gridlock

Ideology: Interim Government^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Brazilian democracy is dead. Its death was not an uncommon one - yet it remains bitterly tragic nonetheless. The military, sworn to protect that most sacred of institutions, turned its idle hands against its beloved patron, like Cain's betrayal of old. What shallow veneer of democracy that the military kept dissolved into pointless bickering and petty factionalism before being cast to the wind by the Generals. Dissolving the Senate is one thing, but leaving the state apparatus headless is another. So, who should be the esteemed President of Brazil?

Born to an Italian immigrant father in 1910, Ranieri Mazzilli lived in modest circumstances. Ascending the social ladder, from a simple tax collector to director of the National Public Treasury of Rio de Janeiro, his big break was yet to come. Chief of Staff to the Minister of Finance. The PSD 's Federal Deputy to São Paulo. Not once, not twice but five different times. It was only inevitable that, in 1959, the invitation to assume the Vice Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies came to him.

Normally the story would end there. A modest, hardworking man gets to a point of power, where he helps to govern efficiently and benevolently. Yet, fate is a cruel and caring mistress. With the military "intervention" and the collapse of the Senado, Mazzilli has been given the privilege of becoming the interim President. While the military decides amongst themselves who shall lead, Ranieri's job is to put out fires wherever they emerge. Now torn between party loyalty and national pride, Mazilli is a prisoner of his own patriotism.

In-Game Biography (Head of Government) ^{Click to Show} A veteran, Mazzili fought in the constitutionalist war against Getúlio Vargas in 1932 and later had his first federal level position in 1942 as Director of the National Public Treasury. After democratisation he was elected as a federal deputee by the PSD in 1950 and has been reelected well into Lott's administration.

Now with the country in crisis, Mazzilli is entrusted as Brazil's head of government under Auro de Moura Andrade. Being harmless, he poses no threat to democracy - nor will he be its great savior - instead, he simply spends his days hoping that maybe, by not looking at the problems, they might just go away.

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• Conflicting Loyalties: Put into power by the military as a powerless figurehead, Mazzili toils over whether to defy the military and oppose his party or betray the Brazilian people by condemning them to an autocratic military rule.
• Puppet King: After the military coups the government and the Senado collapses, Mazzili is chosen to become the interim president, but he's only put into power until the military can pick a more definitive leader and his only job is to deal with whatever minor problems emerge in Brazil.
• Short-Lived Leadership: Mazzili will only be president for a very brief amount of time, between the military intervention being done and Castello Branco's inauguration.

Military Dictatorship Presidents

Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco

^{Military Outfit}

Role: Military Commander, Head of State (Military coup)

Party: Military Rule, Aliança Renovadora Nacional^note National Renewal Alliance (hardliner)

Ideology Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} What goes through the mind of a man who has betrayed an oath? Does he feel guilt or does he justify it? For Castelo Branco the answer is both. Born to a rich army family, it was only natural that he would eventually join the army as well, enrolling in 1918. A skilled soldier shown by him placing first in his class of the General staff school, Humberto rose through the ranks gaining promotions due to skill not nepotism.

During the Second World War, Humberto was part of the Brazilian expeditionary force and was involved in the British campaign and he showed his ability in commanding and planning. But skill wasn't enough and Brazil would be defeated and forced to retreat. This is what created a sense of disdain for fascism in Humberto's eyes, too many good Brazilian soldiers had died to fascism. With an already deep dislike of communism, Humberto would fight against both when he returned home.

With the birth of the fourth republic, Humberto worked with Lott in the early part of the republic, supporting his efforts to ensure the inauguration of Kubitschek took place. It would only be later when Lott was being hailed by communists and perfidious trade unionists as a savior, that Humberto turned against the President. His leadership of the Sorbonne faction drove a deeper wedge between the two, and their relationship would be destroyed by leading the military coup after the 100 days of chaos.

A high-ranking military officer and an old friend of President Lott. Castelo Branco has a disdain for Fascist and Communist radicals, having fought against both in his long military career. But with President Lott cozying up to the Laborists and trade unionists, Castelo Branco has started to think that his old comrade has turned his back on Brazil. Castelo Branco now believes that perhaps the only way to save Brazil's democracy is to personally intervene, but he hasn’t seen a sufficient enough reason to do so ...yet.

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• Being Evil Sucks: His suppression of radicals in Brazil just creates more enemies and potential assassinations for him to worry about, with one attempt even killing 14 innocent people at an airport.
• Cincinnatus: After couping the civilian government, Castelo Branco can step down and reopen democratic elections again, if he refuses to cow to Silva and has enough influence to resist a coup from him.
• Dystopia Is Hard: His efforts to suppress the communist and fascist influence in Brazil merely radicalizes their members, as they turn to increasingly more violent method in response. Branco nearly falls victim to one of these attacks.
• Enemy Mine: Branco dislikes Lacerda because of his inflammatory journalism. However, he does favor him to become President if elections are reintroduced to Brazil, mostly to prevent Silva from trying to coup him.
• Even Evil Has Standards:
  • Though autocratic, Castelo Branco hates extremism in any form, particularly when his disdain for fascism grew after witnessing all of the Brazilian lives that were lost in World War II.
  • He's adverse to the extreme dictatorial methods advocated by Silva, believing that some problems can be handled more non-violently.
• Gameplay and Story Integration: If Branco's coup is pulled off, the Senado mechanic is turned off to signify the death of democracy in Brazil.
• Hoist by His Own Petard: Branco can attempt to remove Silva from his position by forcing his resignation, but if the latter holds more influence, Silva can turn the times and force Branco to resign instead.
• Hypocrite: Branco sees nothing wrong about launching a treacherous military coup against the government he serves, but when a rogue admiral defects to become a pirate, he gets pissed about being betrayed.
• Jumping Off the Slippery Slope: The longer Branco holds on to his ill-gotten power, the more corrupt and tyrannical his regime becomes, which will have devastating effects on Brazil in the long-term.
• A Lighter Shade of Black: While Branco's coup is morally questionable and will have long-term political ramifications, he is genuinely concerned about Brazil's welfare and believes that it will save its democracy in the long-term. It's a lot more than can be said for Silva and his hardliner faction, who will hasten the demise of Brazilian democracy to implement their own developmentalist ideology.
• Military Coup: If the putschist elements in the army are dominant enough and their loyalty is low enough, or if the player fails in the Hundred Days' Crisis, a military coup will take place and Castelo Branco will assume the Presidency provisionally.
• Pragmatic Villainy: In the moderate path, Branco can limit the military's intervention in the 1965 election because he wants to avoid accusations of unfair democratic practices and fuel the presence of the far left political groups.
• Secret Police: Castelo Branco creates the Serviço Nacional de Inteligência, a political intelligence organization that specializes in eliminating subversive movements.
• Red Baron: He was recognized as one of the two "Smoking Snakes", along with Lott, for their leadership of the Brazilian Expeditionary Forces during World War II.
• Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: Branco's coalition of military officers are incredibly factionalized, which leads to frequent squabbles over who should lead Brazil and what direction the country should be taken in.
• Tyrant Takes the Helm: Assuming Castelo Branco realize the hardliner's wishes and choses to not hold the 1965 elections, he will plunge Brazil into a long-lived military dictatorship.
• We Used to Be Friends: His friendship with Lott was strained when the latter garnered support from communists and trade unionists, which can be severed even more if Branco launches his military coup.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: He thinks that by executing the military coup he is saving democracy and will try to avoid hardliners coming to power.

Artur da Costa e Silva

^{Military Outfit}

Role: Military Commander, Minister of War^note Security Minister (Branco cabinet), Head of State (Branco removed, Branco succession and Denys succession)

Party: Aliança Renovadora Nacional^note National Renewal Alliance

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} A son of Portuguese immigrants, Artur da Costa e Silva's life is inseparable from his career in the Brazilian Army. An exemplary student in military school, he graduated with top marks and quickly rose in the ranks, becoming general in 1955, and was given command of the 3rd Military Region in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, later being promoted to the rank of marshal. While his life is inseparable from the military, it is also inseparable from his alignment with the Hardliner faction inside the Armed Forces.

Costa e Silva became known as a fierce supporter of the Hardliners, and soon would be the main leader of this faction. He views the legacy of the previous democratic presidents as one of failures and weaknesses, and only the strong hand of the Armed Forces can correct the country's course. While he initially joined Humberto Castelo Branco and the Sorbonne in the coup that ended civilian rule in Brazil, Humberto's desire to return power to the civilians was a sore point between the two, and the gap between Sorbonne and Hardliners widened. However, Castelo Branco overplayed his hand. In an attempt to fire Costa e Silva and solidify his control, his plan backfired, and through a series of telephone calls, Artur da Costa e Silva organized an internal coup, removing Castelo Branco from the Presidency.

Now, with the presidential sash upon his shoulders, Costa e Silva is ready to defend his country against all threats, especially from terrorists and dissidents on both the left and the right. The Hardliner Marshal will do anything to correct mistakes done by the previous administrations and plans to extend security and stability across the country, aiming to mend the wounds Castelo Branco's cowardice left behind.

In-Game Biography (Minister of War) ^{Click to Show} Costa e Silva has had a long career, one where his talent has allowed him to rise to the top of the military. He began his military career by entering the Military College of Porto Alegre, where he finished first of his class and commander of the cadet corps. From this moment he slowly rose through the ranks of the military, with only a slight stumble due to this involvement in the 1922 Tenentist rebellion where he was imprionsed for six months. Costa e Silva was finally promoted to general by his ally Eduardo Gomes and was further promoted by President Lott in 1961.

During his career Costa e Silva has developed a few key ideological thoughts. The first was from his close career with the United States, where he briefly trained at. Silva believes Brazils future remains tied to America and both nations should collaborate against the worlds threats. His second belief, was that the left wing was a ever present danger to Brazil and its way of life.

His final belief, is that it is the military who are the best group to run Brazil and this has made Silva a major figure within the hardliner movement.

The leader of the military hardliners, Artur Costa e Silva sees Brazilian democracy as a complete failure and its left-wing members as a danger to his country's very way of life. In his eyes, only the iron hand of the military can effectively rule Brazil. For now, Costa e Silva bids his time and waits for the moment that he can finally end the disaster that is civilian rule.

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• Berserk Button: If Castelo Branco fires Silva under accusations of insubordination, Silva will be incredibly offended and angry, causing him to leave the room in a huff.
• Despotism Justifies the Means: Costa e Silva has his entire life seen civilian governments doing nothing but (what he deems to be) mismanagement, radicalizing him into thinking only the military is capable of ruling Brazil.
• Evil Reactionary: Silva represents the hardliner faction of the Brazilian military, actively encouraging Branco to engage in increasingly harsher methods against their protestors, even if it hastens the erosion of Brazil's democratic values.
• The Paranoiac: Silva sees enemies in all political parties, in which he wants to have them all disbanded, regardless of political alignment.
• Pragmatic Villainy: While discussing Goulart's unexpected election after a Denys coup, Silva advises against directly overturning the election results and installing Lacerda because it would create public outcry over a blatantly anti-democratic move.
• The Starscream: Dissatisfied with Branco's relative moderation, Silva becomes defiant and threatens to coup him so that he can take charge of the military junta.
• Unexpected Successor: If Denys coups Lott and later João Goulart is elected Jango's plane to Brasília would crush and in turn lead to his death. After this instead of the Presidency being passed to the Vice President-Elect or another office close in the line of sucession, Denys resigns in favor of Silva who is quickly confirmed as President by congress.

Ernesto Geisel

^{Military Outfit}

Role: Military Commander, Minister of War^note Security Minister (Quadros and Braga cabinet), Head of State (Branco sucession)

Party: Aliança Renovadora Nacional^note National Renewal Alliance

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism (Military coup)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} The young Ernesto Beckmann Geisel was the son of a German immigrant, a son of one of only two German families in the city of Bento Gonçalves of Rio Grande do Sul. Entering the army in 1921 with his brother Orlando, he witnessed and participated in the most prominent events of Brazilian history - the Revolution of 30, the Estado Novo and its end, and at last the coup that toppled post-Vargas democratic governance.

Now, Geisel finds himself at the top of the greasy pole that is the new,militarized, politics of Brazil; opposed by the hardliners, who view him as too soft, his support base is in the moderate faction of the military. It makes sense, to a point, that the likes of Frota would view him as too light on the opposition - he does, in fact, want to relax the dictatorship and assume a more moderate line with the opposition.

But contrary to the beliefs of the hardliners, the President is not of a sort to make concessions that will reduce the military's power. He will continue the previous developmentalist path set by the regime. More importantly, he is very firm in his desire to keep the military dictatorship in place, and more than willing to use force - whether that force is the Army, SNI, CENIMAR, or DOI-CODI - to make sure it stays there.

How Geisel will manage this while beleaguered by the hardliners in the military from the right and the democratic opposition from the left is anyone's guess. But only a fool will underestimate him, even when and if he is seemingly down for the count.

In-Game Biography (Minister of War) ^{Click to Show}A German-Brazilian, Ernesto Geisel had a very active military life, being a soldier in the 1930 revolution, fighting against the Constitutionalists in 1932, and being friendly to Vargas despite his attempts to assimilate german-Brazilians. During the war he led the 3rd military region in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, being under surveillance for his German heritage. In the aftermath of the revolution, he received American training and became an influential member of the Sorbonne.

Neutral during the coup against Kubitschek, he was trusted by Lott as a diplomat between the Constitutionalists and the Sorbonne, sometimes cooperating with them against the hardliners. Now as Quadros' minister of security, he's prepared to protect Brazil and its democracy against internal threats, be they the hardliners, communists, or fascist scum underground.

A German-Brazilian with a long career in the military, Ernesto Geisel is a rare moderate within the increasingly radical Brazilian military. Much like the rest of his comrades, Geisel seeks to protect Brazil from its internal threats and he also believes that a direct military intervention may be needed to do so. For the time being however, he's willing to support the conservative UDN.

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• Internal Reformist: Geisel is the military dictator most inclined with democratization and social reform, although it's solely because it benefits his and the military's image rather than any genuine loyalty to democracy.
• A Lighter Shade of Grey: Geisel and the Sorbonne want to create a military supervised democracy, which is a dangerous idea for the average Brazilian, but its miles better than Branco's increasingly dictatorial rule and Silva's hardliner stance.
• Meet the New Boss: Despite his moderate "softliner" atitude, Geisel still wants to keep the institutions brought or empowered by the military dictatorship in its place and make it sure that they stay there.
• Only Sane Man: Of the military dictators who coup Brazil's democratic government, Geisel voices the most concern for the long-term ramifications of their actions, even if for largely pragmatic reasons over how it will ruin the military's public reputation.

Emílio Médici

^{Military Outfit}

Role: Military Commander, Head of State (Silva succession)

Party: Aliança Renovadora Nacional^note National Renewal Alliance

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} The new President's family name of Médici surely seems at least vaguely familiar to anyone with a little bit of literacy on the politics of the Renaissance as the name of the redoubtable rulers of Florence. Now, yet another Médici, a man with the well-deserved nickname of 'Duke of Lead', has arisen in Brazil.

A child of immigrants born in Rio Grande do Sul, Emílio Garrastazu Médici quickly entered the military. Joining the cavalry, he supported the rise of Vargas in the Revolution of '30 and fought against the Constitutionalist Revolution. Though he did not fight in the British Isles during the War he slowly rose through the ranks due to service as Costa e Silva's chief of staff.

During the coup, his sympathies were very clear, though he did not join it; when the coup succeeded, he became an ardent supporter of the military government. Becoming the head of the brutal SNI and then commanding the III Army headquartered in his home state, he continued to rise as his superior President Costa e Silva aged.

Now Costa e Silva is dead. The junta has appointed Médici in hopes of preserving stability, but they are fools to think that the brutish head of the SNI would do any such thing. No: on his watch Brazil has fallen into its darkest period yet. Unprecedented arrests, torture, extrajudicial murders are carried out by the day. For all the new President and his patrons might protest otherwise, darkness has fallen on Brazil and hope seems lost forever.

The Years of Lead have begun, and the Lead Duke is he that began them.

Emílio Médici is a military officer who serves as Costa e Silva's chief of staff. He is commonly known as the "Duke of Lead" thanks to his family name of Médici. He can potentially succeed his superior as president of the military junta.

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• Allohistorical Allusion: The news event for Médici becoming President notes that that this represents a shift in economic policy as liberals become more prominent with the reaction noting that "maybe a miracle is ahead of us", referencing the Brazilian Miracle that Médici oversaw during his tenure OTL.
• Blatant Lies: Upon his ascension to the Presidency, Médici claims he will seek a return to democratic rule, but the news event notes that few are fooled by such claims.
• Dark and Troubled Past: It is very known that he was an integralist in his past. And even after leaving that ideology behind, many of his cabinet members such as Alfredo Buzaid are integralists.
• I Did What I Had to Do: Médici does not care about consequences and wants to do what he thinks is the best.
• From Bad to Worse: His succession of Silva signifies the authoritarian measures that took places under Silva's presidency will only be ramped up as his ascension gestures to more censorship and repression across the nation.
• The Quiet One: Médici is a very discret workaholic who cares quite little for the rest.
• Red Baron: He is also known by the nickname "Duke of Lead", referencing his family name of Médici.
• The Spymaster: Previously, Médici was the brutish head of National Information Service, a secret police that forms the backbone of the military junta's anti-communist actions.

Odílio Denys

Role: Military Commander, Minister of War^note Security Minister (Lott cabinet), Head of State (Anti-Lott Act coup)

Party: Military Rule

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism (Military coup)

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Duty. That has been the driving force behind every decision of Odílio Denys career. As a young officer, it was his sense of duty to the nation that led Denys to support Getúlio Vargas's rise to power. It was his sense of duty to democracy and the electoral process that led Denys to stand beside Henrique Lott in the latter's countercoup to ensure the ascension of President-elect Juscelino Kubitschek. It was his sense of duty that led Denys to ask his friend and fellow Marshal Lott to stop working with leftist Vargists and not to proceed with the Lott Act. And when Lott refused, Odílio Denys was compelled by duty to overthrow his former friend and restore order to the nation.

The plot against Lott has now succeeded and now Denys rules as president, backed by much of the military and the conservative political parties. Marshall Denys is still committed to democracy and elections have been scheduled to happen soon. Denys hopes that a candidate from an aligned right-wing party will succeed him but the growing sympathy among the people in the wake of his coup may put a stop to Denys' plan.

In-Game Biography (Minister of War) ^{Click to Show}Odylio Denys is a special kind of officer - one crafted by the events of early 20th century Brazil. Being trained by the Prussian mission in the old republic, taking part in the 1930 revolution that put an end to the oligarchic governments and in the New State coup, and serving as a close ally to General Goés Monteiro, Denys took part in every major change in Brazil during the first half of the 20th century.

His authoritarian tendencies didn't divorce him from his strong sense of duty and discipline. A friend of Henrique Teixeira Lott, he was one of the officers responsible for aborting the Novembrada coup orchestrated against Juscelino Kubitschek in 1955. Now approaching the end of his career, Denys can look back to his life of accomplishments with pride as someone who did what was necessary when it was necessary to protect his country's independence from foreign and internal threats.

The current Minister of War under President Lott, and another one of his old friends. Denys has taken part in nearly every major 20th century event in Brazil, and these events have shaped Denys’ sense of duty. A sense of duty that led to him joining Lott in thwarting a coup attempt against Kubitschek. But with Lott potentially passing some legislation to reduce radicalism and promote apoliticism within the armed forces, it may also be this same sense of duty that can lead Denys to betray his comrade.

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• But Now I Must Go: Eventually, Denys will retire from the military, content that he has fulfilled his duty to protect Brazil and assured that future Brazilians will carry on his mission.
• Cincinnatus:
  • Despite overthrowing Lott, Denys isn't opposed to democracy and wants to reopen elections when the time is right, throwing his support behind either the UDN or PSP.
  • Though determined to stop Goulart's inauguration, Denys has no interest in ruling Brazil from that point onward, being too old for politics now. Instead, Denys will enforce a temporary martial law so he can step down in favor of Silva becoming President.
• Even Evil Has Standards:
  • Though he organizes a military coup against Lott, Denys makes it clear to his co-conspirators that they are only doing so to save the country and that they must avert unneeded violence.
  • Denys will do anything to stop Goulart from getting elected, but he never considered killing him to do so. When he receives news of Goulart's sudden death by plane crash, Denys is shocked and initially angered at Silva out of suspicion that he ordered this underhanded move.
• Hypocrite: In his address to the nation, Denys vows to keep Brazilian democracy alive and restore fair elections, but when the elections begin, he does everything he can to prevent a Goulart election and will resort to even more anti-democratic measures if Goulart actually wins.
• I Did What I Had to Do: Denys feels guilty about betraying his friend and putting Brazilian democracy in danger with his coup, but he brushes these feelings aside and assure himself that he's acting in Brazil's best interests.
• Military Coup: When the Lott Act is leaked to Denys, he may launch a military coup to prevent its passage, backed by like-minded individuals in the Armed Forces and the conservative parties.
• My Country, Right or Wrong: Denys is a Brazilian patriot at heart and his sense of duty compels him to do what he thinks is best for the country, even if it means supporting Vargas' rise to power or overthrowing Lott.
• Necessarily Evil: To slant the post-coup election in favor of Lacerda or Barros, Denys will stuff the ballot boxes to reduce the popularity of the PTB-PSD coalition. Denys recognizes how criminal it is, but justifies it was a necessary measure to prevent Marxists from taking control of Brazil.
• Obliviously Evil: In his efforts to foil the Lott Act, Denys believes that he will save Lott from communists who are leading him astray.
• Pragmatic Villainy: Denys is highly suspicious of Amaury Kruel and Silvio Frota's corruption when rigging the elections, though only because he fears they've pocketed too much money that could've gone towards ensuring a electoral victory of their favored candidate.
• Red Scare:
  • Part of his retirement speech mentions the internal threat of socialists that are trying to "corrupt" the youth, implying that the audience must be wary of them.
  • Upon the announcement of the Lott Act, Denys believes that his old friend has thrown his lot with perceived Marxists and mobilizes coup to stop them.
    Marxism must be defeated.
• Reconcile the Bitter Foes: If Goulart wins the military-backed elections, Denys will try to unify the normally factionalized military out of shared suspicion and enmity of the new President-elect.
• Sanity Slippage: During his route, Denys's mental health keeps worsening thanks to his fear of communism.
• Secret Police: After Goulart's unexpected election, Denys becomes paranoid of hidden traitors in his ranks, in which he establishes the Servico Nacional de Informações (SNI) to root out disloyalty.
• Villainous Breakdown:
  • If his attempted coup is foiled, Denys has an emotional meltdown, ranting about his fellow conspirators betraying him before he is imprisoned.
  • Despite all his attempts to prevent it, it is possible for Goulart to get elected in the post-coup elections. This utterly enrages Denys and leads him to descend to even worse actions to prevent Goulart's ascension.
• We Used to Be Friends: He is a close friend of Lott and serves in his presidential cabinet. Unfortunately, their friendship will be torn apart over the Lott Act, which Denys sees as a threat to Brazil and works against Lott to prevent its passage.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Denys mobilizes to prevent the Lott Act because he believes it threatens the stability of Brazil and must be stopped with drastic measures.

Other Important Characters

Luís Carlos Prestes

Role: N/A

Party: Partido Comunista Brasileiro^note Brazilian Communist Party

Ideology: Bolshevism^note Communism

The leader of the Brazilian Communist Party, who has entered into a democratic coalition with the PTB. Prestes believes that Brazil's capitalistic system has yet to develop enough to flourish the conditions of a proletarian revolution and seeks to do just that through peaceful means. This relatively pacifistic stance has earned him the ire of Amazonas and his extremist guerrillas, who have split off and created their own PCB splinter.

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• A Lighter Shade of Gray: In contrast to Amazonas's violent revolutionaries, Prestes' PCB has entered a democratic coalition with the center-left PTB (itself in a coalition with the centrist PSD), believing that capitalism in Brazil has yet to develop enough to flourish the conditions of a proletarian revolution.
• Defeat Means Friendship: Even after orchaestrating a failed coup against Vargas and then having his party persecuted under the Estado Novo, both still managed to (at least begrudgingly) reconcile with each other to further realize their goals. The outbreak of WWII was a significant influence for this, as Prestes was released from his 10 years' arrest and had his party re-legalized in order to help organize the Brazilian Expeditionary Force.
• The Lost Lenore: After the failure of the 1935 Communist Uprising, Olga Benário, a Comintern agent and Prestes' wife, was captured by Vargas' secret police and deported to Germany, where she died in the Bernburg extermination camp. Curiously, Olga is also remembered by her former colleague Otto Braun, who went on to advise Valery Sablin in Buryatia.
• We ARE Struggling Together: At the start of a campaign, Amazonas' agrarian guerrillas form the Communist Party of Brazil, decisively breaking off from the Brazilian Communist Party due to its pacifist stance, and splitting the far-left's already narrow support base.

João Amazonas

Role: Head of State (Communist takeover)

Party: Partido Comunista do Brasil^note Communist Party of Brazil

Ideology: Amazonism^note Communism

A communist guerrilla who seeks to launch an agrarian revolution that would help the downtrodden of Brazil, João Amazonas heads a PCB splinter that thinks Prestes and the mainstream PCB have "gone soft" due to their willingness to cooperate with Brazil's democratic system. Branded a violent terrorist by the government for his increasingly brutal tactics, Amazonas sees revolution as the only way Brazil could be more accommodating to its poorest members.

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• Broken Pedestal: He once respected Prestes as a fellow revolutionary, but when the latter and his followers denounced his extreme tactics, that idolization turned sour.
• We ARE Struggling Together: Amazonas can barely get his communist party under control and united, which absolutely exhausts him.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Amazonas wants an agrarian revolution that will help the downtrodden in Brazil, but his zealous single-mindedness and his increasingly violent tactics are deemed too extreme for many, even by the moderate members of the PCB.
• Won the War, Lost the Peace: Even if Amazonas comes into power, he will have to contend with popular resistance and terrorist attacks because communism is still extremely unpopular in Brazil and the people aren't just going to happily accept it.
• Your Terrorists Are Our Freedom Fighters: To the peasants and unions, Amazonas is a savior promising land reform and redistribution through an agrarian revolution. To the government, Amazonas is a lunatic terrorist who threatens to destabilize the entire country.

Carlos Marighella

Party: Partido Comunista Brasileiro^note Brazilian Communist Party

Ideology: Communism

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• Well-Intentioned Extremist: Should a military dictatorship come to power in Brazil, Marighella will split from the PCB due to their rejection of armed struggle. In contrast to Amazonas' agrarian revolutionaries, Marighella is noted to fight "in every alley, ghetto, and slum" for the restoration of democracy and the construction of socialism.

Felinto Müller

Role: Vice President^note Head of Government (Branco cabinet)

Party: Partido Social Democrático^note Social Democratic Party, Aliança Renovadora Nacional^note National Renewal Alliance

Ideology: Military Junta^note Despotism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Müller, known as the one "who tortures," is notorious for his service as the head of Vargas' political police during his reign. Born in 1900, Felinto Müller participated in the Paulista Revolt, expelled after being deemed a deserter. Finding a role in the political and police spheres, he has continually amassed political clout over the course of his career; starting as a harsh police chief, then serving under Vargas as a key architect of the Estado Novo, he was able to gain prominence in the Senate under the PSD after Vargas' demise. Always sympathetic to the German Reich, he frequently uses his influential position in the current regime to drive policy in a pro-German, authoritarian bent.

The former chief of Vargas' political police during the New State, Muller is feared throughout Brazil thanks to his unchecked political influence and brutality. Increasingly steering Brazil towards pro-German and authoritarian policy, Muller' influence on Brazilian politics is felt even as he stays out of the limelight.

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• Deadly Euphemism: In the Adhemar presidency teaser, Müller organizes a campaign against the UDN by ordering a well-known printer in Cuiabá to produce anti-UDN posters, warning that a cop will visit his home, if he doesn't comply.
• Defector from Decadence: With Adhemar elected in his presidency teaser, Müller defects to his side so that he can protect Mato Grosso and Vargas' legacy, even if it means working with the son of a coffee baron, a class he opposed during the Tenente Revolt. However, as far as Müller is concerned, it's better than continuing his membership in the PSD, where he's becoming increasingly seen as an outcast by everyone.
• The Dreaded: Müller is the only person who even Getúlio Vargas (His own former boss) is afraid of, and he is called "The most dangerous man in the country".
• Even Evil Has Loved Ones: In one of the events from the Adhemar presidency teaser, Müller smiles at the thought of his grandson, Antônio Pedro, visiting him, which he considers the highlight of his day.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: Owing to his sympathies with the Nazi regime, Müller is seen as a pariah in the PSD, where he's become increasingly smeared as the "Brazilian Himmler" in the "Bitter Changes" teaser event.
• A Hero to His Hometown: Despite his misdeeds and crimes under both Vargas's and possibly the military's dictatorships he is still quite popular with the public in his home state of Mato-Grosso where he is seen as a hero. "The Senator" event from Adhemar's teaser shows that, even if a different party takes the governorship in Mato-Grosso, they'll still need to rely on his help to manage the territory because he's that popular.
• Minor Major Character: Although having zero intentions of becoming a national leader and does not affect heavily affect the Brazilian gameplay, Müller is still dedicated to political ativity in Brazil in both democratic and military dictatorship routes and in the latter he even achieves the Vice Presidency of Castello Branco when Andrade resigns, an office where he seeks a rank of "grey eminence" in the regime.

Getúlio Vargas

Role: N/A

Party: Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro^note Brazilian Labour Party

Ideology: Social Nationalism^note Paternalism

Getúlio Vargas was Brazil half president half dictator who ruled Brazil from 1930-1949, aligning and caving the demands from some people, brutally crushing others. During his rule Vargas made made visionary reforms that benefited the common Brazil making him popular among many. Vargas may have been overthrown in a military coup and stays out of present-day Brazilian politics, but the effects of his controversial presidency are still felt in the 1960s. His protégé João Goulart is also seeking to become president, just as his mentor once did.

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• Arch-Enemy: Lacerda sees him as this, thinking Vargas's influence to be a major threat for Brazil.
• Cigar Chomper: Vargas, like in real life is often depicted as a cigarette lover.
• Guilt by Association: Vargas tried to remain neutral in World War II, but he continued trading relations with the United States, due to their strong economic ties. These purchases from 1939 to 1940 led Germany to consider them a part of the Allies and their vessels were targeted by their U-boats.
• Hypocrite: During World War II, Vargas joined the Allies, citing the need to fight for democracy abroad. However, this falls completely flat with Vargas' own dictatorship at home, something that many Brazilians recognized and would contribute to the growing discontent of his rule.
• The Man Behind the Man: Vargas is still alive because he never committed suicide in this timeline, but he is officially no longer involved in politics. Instead, he exerts a considerable influence upon João Goulart should the latter become President of Brazil, and acts as an elder statesman to Varguism in general.
• Minor Major Character: He's no longer an active player on the Brazilian political stage, but the reforms he implemented during his presidency are still felt in the 1960's and his student, Goulart, is a possible president to continue his legacy.
• Not Me This Time: Lacerda blames Vargas for the failed 1949 assassination attempt on him. In truth, Vargas never authorized this attack; it was one of his men who did so without permission.
• Passing the Torch: By game start, Vargas has officially retired from politics, and only acts as an advisor (or puppet master, depending on how you look at it) to his successor João Goulart should the latter become President.
• Playing Both Sides: Before joining the Allies he would appease both Washington and Berlin in order to maximize investments for Brazilian development.
• Repressive, but Efficient: Just like in real life, Vargas ruled as a dictator for seven years during his first term as president. During that time, his security forces arrested thousands and tortured political prisoners, but the praise for Vargas's many, almost revolutionary reforms are far louder than the complaints of his opponents. Still, Carlos Lacerda personally blames Vargas for ruining Brazil and will try to destroy Vargas's legacy for the good of the country.
• Well-Intentioned Extremist: One of the most infamous examples of such in Latin American history, having temporarily ruled Brazil as a repressive dictator to paradoxically reform the country's democratic system.

João Figueiredo

Role: Military Commander

Party: Aliança Renovadora Nacional^note National Renewal Alliance

Ideology: Paternalism

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• Establishing Character Moment: He's introduced crassly celebrating his promotion to general by gloating about his achievements to his tired secretary and boasting about his superior training.
• Foreign Culture Fetish: Figueiredo was trained at the infamous School of the Americas, and became so enamored with American culture he seeks to emulate it. Now, he's fully convinced that he's American and not Brazilian due to his 'superior training' and is better than all his colleagues.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: Figueiredo is openly racist against black people.
• Sir Swears-a-Lot: He's introduced cursing in his very first line of dialogue and proceeds to drop the f bomb several times after that.

Wilson Leite Passos

Role: N/A

Party: União Democrática Nacional^note National Democratic Union

Ideology: National Socialism

By far the most radical member of the UDN, Wilson Leite Passos is an outspoken National Socialist who idolizes Adolf Hitler and seeks to make Brazil resemble Nazi Germany. Passos' influence within the UDN is (thankfully) non-existent, and the man himself is barely tolerated by his bewildered colleagues.

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• Beware the Quiet Ones: He mantains a low profile while being a City Councilor for Rio de Janeiro and uses plausible deniabilty when talking about his support of Nazism, only exposing himself if a great opportunity surges.
• The Friend Nobody Likes: No one in the UDN likes Passos even a little bit, especially Lacerda, who would prefer even Getúlio Vargas himself getting elected for City Councilor in his place.
• Hero-Worshipper: Passos idolises the Führer Adolf Hitler and seeks to remake Brazil according to the model of Nazi Germany.
• Politically Incorrect Villain: He adores Hitler and thinks that Germany is a model for Brazil to follow. Virtually every other Brazilian politician expresses bewilderment at his views.

Guyana-Cayenne

Guiana-Cayenne

Official Name: Allied Administration of Guiana-Cayenne

Ruling Party: Administração Aliada da Guiana Caiena^note Allied Administration of Guyana Cayenne

Ideology: Military Mandate^note Paternalism

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• The Migration: The Lott administration from Brazil has created numerous jobs in the country to encourage immigration, integrating it within the Brazilian economic sphere. This has led to a growing minority of Brazilians in Guiana-Cayenne, who are welcomed by neither the natives or the French exiles.
• Playing Both Sides: The United States has kept the status of the administration vague, opening the possibility of future bargaining with Vichy or Free France.
• Pretext for War: Following the Second World War, Guiana was awarded to Vichy France, and Brazil occupied the region to avoid it falling into Axis hands and expand their influence on the continent. In 1962, Guiana-Cayenne is still a satellite state to Brazil.
• The Remnant: There still remains a sizable population of French exiles since Guiana-Cayenne used to be a French penal colony. They now clash with the natives and the Brazilian military over who really rules the country.
• Small Role, Big Impact: Brazil’s occupation of Guiana made Argentina paranoid about Brazilian influence expanding and kickstarted the "South American Cold War" between the two countries.

Ângelo Nolasco de Almeida

Role: Head of State

Party: Administração Aliada da Guiana Caiena^note Allied Administration of Guyana Cayenne

Ideology: Military Mandate^note Paternalism

In-Game Biography ^{Click to Show} Admiral Ângelo Nolasco de Almeida has achieved many prestigious positions during his long career in the Brazilian Navy, but he never expected to be the Military Commander of the Allied Administration of Guiana-Cayenne. His actions during the Estado Novo period and especially in repressing the Constitutionalist Revolution in 1932 brought him closer to Getúlio Vargas himself, which led to his appointment as Vargas' aide-de-camp in 1939. During the War, he acted as a military attaché to the Brazilian embassies in Argentina and Uruguay, later taking part in the invasion that brought Guiana-Cayenne into Brazilian occupation.

After the fall of the Varguist regime, Almeida occupied many administrative positions in the Navy, always aligning with the Armed Forces' Constitutionalist faction. In 1961, President Lott honored the Admiral with an appointment to lead the Administration of Cayenne. The former French colony had been in an administrational limbo ever since the end of the War, with the detachment of Brazil from the Allies and the Americans' insistence in keeping it as a bargaining chip for a future French ally.

However, this is not what Lott wants. The President has tasked Admiral Nolasco de Almeida with integrating the economy of Cayenne into that of Brazil, encouraging immigration, and creating new jobs. The Admiral has served the Brazilian state all his life, and he will do everything to accomplish this mission.

The current Military Commander of the Allied Administration of Guiana-Cayenne, who seeks to fully integrate Guiana-Cayenne into Brazil proper.

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• My Country, Right or Wrong: Almeida has served in the Brazilian Navy for nearly his entire life and has unquestionably followed Lott's request to integrate Guiana-Cayenne to Brazil, changing the state's original purpose of acting as an American bargaining chip for a possible future French ally.

"The Crow and the Bull" Update

Upcoming content coming in the "The Crow and the Bull" update.

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General Tropes

• Affably Evil: A teased event for Barros features the President meeting the German ambassador in Brazil, who represents the interests of the Nazis and IG Farben. Despite this, the ambassador maintains a polite demeanor, frequently praising Brazil for its culture, food, coffee, and people, if not its weather.
• Appeal to Force: In Brazil's miscellaneous laws teaser, the National Security Acts within the constitution grant the military a duty to intervene in the nations politics, under the justification of saving it from collapse. This has effectively legitimized military interference in politics, which erodes Brazil's democratic culture, in addition to the banning of certain communist and national socialist parties. This threat will continue to hang over the various Brazilian government, until the acts can be replaced.
• Armor-Piercing Response: In Barros' focus tree teaser, Carlos Lacerda and Romeu de Campos Vergal have a debate over the President's healthcare plans. When Vergal claims that the plan would benefit Brazilians, Lacerda eagerly responds that the program would be an irresponsible populist bet to appease voters. However, the interviewer points out that other UDN members are supporting the reforms, shocking Lacerda and forcing him to half-heartedly move the debate along.
• The Dog Bites Back: Suffering decades of negligence and Brazilian meddling, the French citizens of the Cayenne revolt and threaten and independence referendum in "The Crow and the Bull" livestream.
• Empathic Environment: Edna visits the graves of her first husband and daughter in Barros' focus tree teaser, under a grey, gloomy sky.
• Gone Horribly Right: Campos, Melo, and Felinto advise that Brazil needs to work on their military might in Barros' focus tree teaser. Respectively, they recall the Lobster War as a humiliation for the navy, recommend that they invest into Specter planes, and call Germany's training program as a model for Brazil. All of their advice gets Barros excited and he suggests that Brazil immediately work on their nuclear program, a sentiment that everyone else finds unnerving.
• Homophobic Hate Crime: In the miscellaneous laws teaser, Brazil has no legislation relating to sexual minorities since 1830, effectively leaving a decriminalized status quo. However, discrimination remains so rampant that for many it is still de facto illegal, with even the police forces engaging in homophobic hate crimes.
• Hypocrite: The Brazilian government likes to promote racial equality as a virtue and something they hold onto better than the other great powers, but they are still xenophobic against Japanese immigrants, a widespread sentiment since their first arrival in the early 20th century. This has culminated in a ban of Japanese immigration and frequent attempts to discriminate and assimilate the existing communities. Beyond the Japanese-Brazilian communities, Brazil is also far from achieving racial equality in practice, as systematic racism remains widespread and minority cultures actively assimilated.
• Magnum Opus: In the miscellaneous laws teaser, Vargas' Consolidated Labor Laws (CLT) are considered his greatest legacy, as it granted additional protections to worker rights and strengthened unions, the right to sits and breaks, and a minimum wage for all workers. While there are those who engage in Loophole Abuse to get around the laws, millions have had the working conditions improved by the laws. The laws are largely beloved by Varguists and a major unassailable obstacle for UDN politicians who seek to destroy Vargas' legacy.
• Mirthless Laughter: Meeting a group of military generals in a teased focus tree event, Barros proclaims his wish that Brazil can become a fifth superpower by "looking into nuclear power". A few chuckle nervously at that, unsure how to interpret his words.
• Misplaced Retribution: During the Second World War and the fight against Japan, many Japanese-Brazilians were imprisoned in concentration camps and a constitutional amendment was passed in 1946 to ban all immigration from Japan, despite token opposition from the UDN. As mentioned in the miscellaneous laws teaser, discrimination and police harassment of the remaining Japanese-Brazilian communities continues, leaving them to become more insular and considering radical action.
• Must Have Caffeine: Barros meets the German ambassador in his focus tree teaser, where the latter comments that he is a huge fan of Brazil's coffee, drinking it when given the opportunity and expressing hope that every German can do the same.
• Nepotism: The German ambassador seen in Barros' teased focus tree is also the son of an IG Farben executive.

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