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Argentine Republic
Flag of the Justicialist Confederation of Argentina
Official Name: Argentine Republic, Justicialist Confederation of Argentina (Anchorena)
Ruling Party: Unión Civica Radicalnote Radical Civic Union
Ideology: National Liberalismnote Liberalism
The Argentine Republic is a fragile democracy haunted by an overbearing military and the legacy of its past. With Perón ousted and exiled to Iberia, the Unión Civica Radical stepped in to fill the power vacuum left by the Tyrant, but has since suffered from infighting and division. As the political establishment continues to lie that all is fine, the military grows restless with the supposedly failing democratic experiment and, at any moment, could pull the plug on it with a coup. Meanwhile, despite all efforts to eradicate them, Peronists remain a present element in Argentinian society, awaiting the chance to restore the old dictator.
General Tropes
- The Alliance: Argentina is an observer member of the Triumvirate at game start.
- Allohistorical Allusion: The Laguna del Desierto border feud occurs in this timeline as it did in OTL, as the Argentine Gendarmerie and the Chilean Carabineros begin fighting each other and tensions between the two countries escalate. Unlike OTL however, the squabble can escalate into full-blown conflict in the Christmas War over Patagonian territorial disputes.
- Arch-Enemy:
- Argentina is fierce rivals with Brazil, as both compete for influence over the South American continent.
- They are also bitter foes with Chile because both fight over territorial disputes in Patagonia, which culminates in the Laguna del Desierto incident.
- Crapsaccharine World: Argentina disguises itself as a perfectly healthy, democratic nation, when it's actually suffering from terrible political instability.
- Paper Tiger: From raw economic stats, Argentina has a healthy economy, owning their own sphere and ranked the tenth strongest economy in the entire world. Despite this, many fear that their economic situation isn't as secure as they hoped, as their country's economic performance is heavily dependent on the price of foreign currencies, namely the Italian Lira or the U.S. Dollar. As a result, Argentina suffers from a rapidly decreasing credit rating and, should the value of these foreign currencies fall, the Argentine economy will suffer even more.
- Point of Divergence: The infamous "Dirty War" in Argentina will never happen in this timeline because the mass executions during the crisis were done discreetly to avoid internaional condemnation and unfavorable comparisons to Augusto Pinochet's brutal rule in Chile. Since Pinochet has no political relevance in this world, Argentina has no reason to be subtle, so they'll carry out their mass killings more openly.
- The Purge: After Perón was ousted, the military was quickly purged of his supporters and replaced by his opponents. Unfortunately, these rapid changes have destroyed the strict hierarchy of the Argentinian military, forcing Frondizi to micromanage and satisfy the demands of the newly incorporated officers.
- Regime Change:
- Subverted after invading a socialist Paraguay. Unlike Brazil and Uruguay, who helped them in the attack, Argentina has no real intention of restoring independence back to the Paraguayan people, wishing to keep their territory instead.
- If Perón rules Argentina, he can back Aguerrondo's military coup in Uruguay, putting a friendly military dictator in charge and expanding the Argentine sphere of influence.
- Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: President Arturo Frondizi and Vice-President Ricardo Balbín have a tense relationship, controlling different wings of the UCR. To show how bad it's gotten, Frondizi's initial focus tree is focused on removing Balbín from office.
- Western Terrorists: The Peronist Resistance remains active through acts of sabotage and bomb attacks.
- We ARE Struggling Together: The UCR although being the dominant party in Argentine politics it still lacks internal cohesion with Frondizites, Balbinists and Unionists fighting for the control of the party.
Presidents (1962-1963)
Arturo Frondizi
Role: Head of State
Party: Union Civica Radical Intransigentenote Intrasigent Radical Civic Union
Ideology: National Liberalismnote Liberalism, Authoritarian Developmentalismnote Paternalism
In-Game Biography Click to Show The second-youngest of 14 children, young Arturo - and all his siblings - was pressured into an intellectual career by his mother. While he attempted to become a footballer to escape this destiny, a series of implausible injuries forced him into the University of Buenos Aires as a law student. Here, the previously mediocre Frondizi excelled, earning a special diploma, which he refused to take on account of the University's Rector appointment by the contemporary military regime.
Involved in Radical (UCR) politics since then, Frondizi participated in a number of failed military coups before being elected as deputy in 1946, alongside Ricardo Balbín. The pair came to be identified as MIR's leading men, and co-led the faction's takeover of the UCR in time for the 1951 elections, in which they ran as a pair and suffered a humiliating defeat. The two survived by reinventing themselves as the leaders of Perón's sizable opposition. Frondizi in particular wrote a scathing, nationalist book titled, "Politics and Petrol" in which he denounced the Peronist's willingness to sign contracts with foreign oil companies, and was a leading coup plotter - an activity that has since become his favorite pastime - in the many conspiracies to oust him.
Following the overthrow of The Tyrant, however, Frondizi's lack of scrupules became increasingly worrisome. Abusing his control of the UCR's National Committee, he imposed his candidacy for President - over Balbín's - in 1958 by decree, creating a crisis that irreparably split the party. When hit with the realization that his own UCR-I could not defeat Balbín's UCR-P, Frondizi resorted to making unkeepable promises to the exiled Peron, with whose votes he won the election. Immediately after taking office, however, he pursued a government along lines entirely disconnected to his electoral programme.
Worse yet, the reveal of Frondizi's promises to Peronists have enraged much of UCRI, and the military, and all three groups have made governing a near-impossible task for him. Indeed, Frondizi's constant scheming - and seeming inability to do so correctly - are rapidly driving Argentina into a political abyss. Paradoxically, however, his vision has been vindicated by the unparalleled success of his industrialist economic policy, a bright-spot dampened by the many politically-motivated strikes and military uprisings that humiliate his government.
- 0% Approval Rating: Zig-Zagged. Frondizi is hated throughout Argentina for colluding with Perón to garner more electoral support and win the presidency, in which his reputation has been further tarnished by his scheming attitude and inability to do anything in office. However, his legacy has paradoxically been vindicated by many in regards to his successful industrial, economic agenda.
- Deadpan Snarker: Occasionally makes sarcastic remarks about his opponents inside the UCR and the threats made by his enemies.
- Repressive, but Efficient: Frondizi engages in underhanded tactics to limit the influence of his enemies, like the Peronists, creating a stable, but relatively undemocratic Argentina.
- We Used to Be Friends: United in their opposition to Juan Perón, Frondizi allied himself with Ricardo Balbín in the UCR, both quickly becoming the faces of opposition to Perón. However, once their mutual enemy was overthrown, the two's relationship became icy, as both began running for President in opposition to each other, splitting their party into two factions.
Presidents (1963 election)
Carlos Alberto Pérez Companc
Role: Head of State (1963 election)
Party: Frente Nacional - Union Civica Radical Intransigente (Desarollistas)note National Front - Intrasigent Radical Civic Union (Developmentalist)
Ideology: Authoritarian Developmentalismnote Paternalism
In-Game Biography Click to Show When General Onganía rejected the candidacy served to him on a silver platter, a frantic, almost psychotic search for an agreeable successor ensued. Among the characteristic this hypothetical President-designate should have, the most important were:
1. Sufficient approval from the PAF (Peron, Azules, and Frondizi).
2. Recognized Catholic and Developmentalist credentials.
3. Sufficient distance from the Front's leading men to avoid the appearance of favoritism.
Dr. Pérez Companc, an extremely catholic businessman of respectable landowning lineage, and a political nonentity, has all of these in abundance. Indeed, as a man so completely unknown days before his candidacy was announced his great advantage was an inability to provoke strong feelings in the minds of the Azul generalship or Peronist political chiefs. The heavy scrutiny he received in the following weeks, including a thorough investigation of his finances by Army Intelligence, placed him in a good spot as an honest businessman whose concerns could only benefit from a legitimate implementation of the National Front's economic programme.
Nevertheless, amidst all the scrutiny and audits, public opinion seemed to miss his strong personal association with Rogelio Frigerio, a man of similar commercial extraction. Indeed, it appears that his candidacy is little more than the exposed dorsal fin of Frondizi and Frigerio's plan to co-opt the Front for their own purposes. They could not fool everyone, however, and one of the front's minor partners, General (Retired) Justo Leon Bengoa, sounded the alarm to the dubious neutrality of the candidate. It was thus that Companc's partnership with the one-time Minister of War came into existence, much to both their charging.
Their victory, achieved with the cautious support of the Peronist chieftains, now opens the road to potential stability. Nevertheless, the undoubtedly awkward limiting of the Peronist to only peripheral roles in government, while the bulk of posts are taken by Frondizist members of UCRI and electoral nonentities from obscure nacionalista groups - like Pérez Companc himself - cast doubt on the viability of this. Indeed, in light of the Peronist Civil War appearing on the horizon, even the full support of the deposed tyrant himself may not be enough for the Frente's government to avoid the very turbulence it was engineered to prevent.
- The Nondescript: Before becoming president, Pérez Companc was an unknown figure to the public mind, only brought in because General Onganía refused to run as the FN-UNRI's presidential candidate and didn't have the enmity of the Azules or Peronists.
- Puppet King: Pérez Companc is essentially a tool used by Arturo Frondizi and Rogelio Frigerio to manipulate the Frente Nacional on their own terms, continuing to sideline Peronist influence in Argentina.
- Reassigned to Antarctica: If he becomes elected, Peronist members in the government get shafted into peripheral roles, where they are replaced by Frondizists and other minor politicians to curb their influence.
Arturo Humberto Illia
Role: Head of State (1963 election)
Party: Union Civica Radical del Pueblonote Radical Civic Union of the People
Ideology: Social Radicalismnote Progressivism
In-Game Biography Click to Show The standard pilgrimage of Argentine politics usually involves young Cordobese lawyers abandoning their native province for a promising future in the halls of power in Buenos Aires. Arturo Illia, by contrast, was a Porteño doctor who made his way towards the miniscule town of Cruz del Eje in the mediterranean province, at the explicit request of Hipolito Yrigoyen himself, who micromanaged the appointment of railway physicians.
Since receiving his posting in 1929, Illia has become immensely popular in Cordoba, proving himself an honest administrator. As the province remained immune to fraud in the 1930s, the Cordoba UCR remained in power, and developed a distinctly intransigent, leftist bent, exemplified by Illia's boss, Amadeo Sabattini. Staunchly loyal to Sabatini's 'Cordoba Line,' he led it on after the caudillo's death in 1960, and distinguished himself as an early anti-frondizist within the UCR. With the brief exception of the three years in which he was Vice-Governor of Cordoba, Illia carried out his political career while acting as the only medic in Cruz del Eje, which he often serviced traveling by horse.
The figure of the selfless, wholesome country doctor, dedicated to improving the health of his citizens, has proven an invaluable asset to Illia throughout his presidency. However, underneath this fundamentally truthful image of Illia, there is also an aged, not particularly agile man whose view of the world has remained fundamentally static since 1930. His distracted demeanor, antiquated language, lack of vision, and exclusion of non-Radicals from decision making have raised comparisons to the latter-days of Illia's hero, Yrigoyen. Worse still, they have caused an immense feeling of resentment and exclusion from power on the part of a man who, in their eyes, has come in with 20% of the vote to govern in the name of a secretive Radical sect that admits no fault or flaw.
- Nice Job Breaking It, Hero: Illia can try to dissolve Argentina's oil contracts to foreign investors, but this just makes it more likely for the military to coup him.
- Taking Up the Mantle: Illia has been staunchly loyal to Amadeo Sabattini and still follows his mentor's left-wing views, since his passing in 1960, notably prioritizing healthcare for the Argentinians.
- Teeth-Clenched Teamwork: Like in OTL, Illia is nominally allied with Ricardo Balbín, but the latter holds very little power of his own, creating a contentious relationship between the two's support bases.
José Luis Romero
Role: Head of State (1963 election)
Party: Partido Socialistanote Socialist Party
Ideology: Democratic Socialismnote Progressivism
In-Game Biography Click to Show For Romero, his reputation as a historian is inseparable from the politically committed citizen. From a family of Spanish immigrants, Romero expressed from a young age interest in History and Philosophy. He soon gained intellectual prestige among his peers for his studies in Greco-Roman history, writing for several cultural magazines. Romero's passion for understanding the mechanism of social and economic structures is inexorably tied to his militancy in the Partido Socialista. Fervently opposed to Perón's government, he was expelled from his position at the University of La Plata, but he was named Rector Controller of the institution after the 1956 Coup.
"Peronism" was always such a conflicting word for the Socialist historian. A movement with Fascistic characteristics that manages to gain the hearts and minds of the working class should be unthinkable, almost unnatural. But for Romero, the truth was self-evident: Peronists have triumphed where Socialism has failed. He became one of the main supporters of the change of course spearheaded by the Socialist, trying to appeal to Peronist voters with a more aggressive anti-establishment instance.
However, Romero struggles to solve the internal contradictions that have plagued the party in the last years. Is the USA an imperialist power or an ally against Fascism? Is Peronism an expression of the discontent of the workers or demagogic manipulation? Even with his vast knowledge in social sciences, he still lacks an answer. Nevertheless, he has some ideas to solve them: a better educative system, a more plural democracy, better working conditions. Fixing the structural failings of the country is not just the only way of helping the working class but to save democracy itself.
- Dark Horse Victory: Of the 1963 presidential candidates, Romero is noted to be the dark horse for the position and it is possible for him to win the election.
- The Friend Nobody Likes: Romero has very fluid political beliefs, owing to his curious mindset. Namely, he's unsure about the true ideological nature of Peronism and if the United States is a trustworthy ally to Argentina. As a result, Romero has few friends in the Argentine government, with the military expressing apprehension at his ascension and the United States feeling unsure of how they should approach the new president.
- Internal Reformist: While Romero has many unresolved ideological questions, he remains firm in his quest to introduce a better educative system, more plural democracy, and improved working conditions to benefit the Argentine people.
Emilio Hardoy
Role: Head of State (1963 election)
Party: Partido Democrata Nacionalnote National Democratic Party
Ideology: Liberal Conservatism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Dr. Emilio Julio Hardoy has as his mission in life to reconcile Argentine conservatism with the Democracy it created.
Born to a family of middle-class lawyers deeply steeped in Buenos Aires conservative politics, Hardoy was struck with tragedy at the death of his father at age 16. Picked up by the safety-net of the local Conservative political machine, Hardoy avoided poverty through a hand-out position at Lomas de Zamora municipal government until becoming a lawyer. Brought along to the Buenos Aires provincial party by his benefactor, Hardoy labored away his entire youth working for the Conservative Party.
Early connections paid off, and Hardoy was elected a National Deputy in 1935, aged 24, in widely fraudulent elections won by the rebranded National Democratic Party. This particular election haunted Hardoy and the rest of Argentine conservatism for years, and the system which enabled it to happen was eventually overthrown in 1943. The displaced Conservatives were engulfed in a deep internal crisis, victimized by the electoral system they themselves had created in 1912, and which now left them almost entirely without representation. Moreover, their exclusion from the Union Democratica by the recalcitrant Radicals against whom they had committed fraud left the Conservatives as a virtually irrelevant third force in national politics.
In every crisis, lies in an opportunity however, and Hardoy's repeated, arbitrary imprisonments at the hand of Peronism earned him the same status within the Buenos Aires conservatism as that treatment did Balbín in the UCR. His only provincia rival, Vicente Solano Lima, removed himself from the picture by forming a splitter party, leaving the soft spoken Lawyer in charge of the monumental task of reviving Argentine conservatism.
Over the next decade, Hardoy fought hard to overcome the malaise and pessimism that engulfed the renamed Buenos Aires onservative Union, and his brainchild, the National Federation of Centrist Parties. While he succeeded enough to 'win' the highly fragmented, anarchic elections that followed Frondizi's presidency, the truth is the FNPC is not a proper party, and the conservatives are not fully reconciled with post-1916 democracy. Even Hardoy himself, and his 'democratizer' wing openly called for the overthrow of Frondizi in the darkest days of his administration. Hardoy's task, apart from the not at all easy job of seeing through the entirety of his term, is to properly build a proper conservative Party with a genuine popular base.
- Dark Horse Victory: By the 1960's, Hardoy and the Conservatives have become an irrelevant political force in the Argentine political scene, but it is possible for Hardoy to become president in the 1963 elections.
- Pyrrhic Victory: Even when Hardoy becomes president, he's left with the monumental task of rebuilding the unpopular and near non-existent conservative party, all the while fighting off factions who threaten to depose him.
- Reconcile the Bitter Foes: If the Conservatives are to have any chance of survival, Hardoy needs to unite the faction into a coherent force. Bringing the party together is guaranteed to succeed, but achieving any electoral success afterwards is another question.
Alfredo Palacios
Role: Head of State (1963 election or Martínez succession)
Party: Union Democrática - Partido Socialistanote Democratic Union - Socialist Party
Ideology: Popular Frontnote Progressivism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Alfredo Lorenzo Palacios was born to a wealthy Uruguayan family in 1878, and became one of the earliest members of the Socialist party, for which he was elected a National Deputy in 1904 during a brief experiment with individual constituencies. There, Palacios befriended his fellow deputy, Conservative former President Carlos Pellegrini, with whose support he managed to pass progressive labour legislation, that to this day forms the basis of his considerable popularity amongst Buenos Aires' industrial workers.
As the rising star of the Socialists, he seemed their ideal candidate from the first elections employing universal suffrage in 1916, but was expelled for engaging in duels over the love of a woman, whom he ultimately declined to marry. Exiled from politics for most of the 1920s, Palacios developed a formidable academic career, before being called back to lead the Socialists in the aftermath of an internal split over attitudes Yrigoyenism.
While his following grew considerably in the 1930s, when the Socialists formed the largest parliamentary opposition group to the UCRA-Conservative government, the advent of Peronism after 1943 virtually erased the Socialist's voter-base, and Palacios' membership in the first Democratic Union earned him only a short stay at the Labour Secretary previous occupied by Colonel Perón, abolished shortly thereafter. Seemingly destined to fade into the background, with his position in the party threatened by the likes of Americo Ghioldi, the failed attempt to forestall Perón's investiture thrust Palacios back into the foreground as leading member of the opposition.
Following Perón's fall, the aging Palacios was appointed ambassador to Uruguay, returning in 1958 to run for the presidency for the second time, coming in a distant fourth. After his upset senate victory in 1961 prevented the ailing PS' division, his figure experienced a resurgence, and he begun to be talked about as the candidate of a potential anti-peronist front, to which the 85 year old Palacios agreed upon being convinced by Ghioldi that he was the only man potable enough to Radicals and Conservatives alike to command their votes.
The aging Palacios, right or wrong, has now done the impossible: He has defeated Peronism - albeit without Perón - at the ballot box, and culminated 70 years of political activity with a victory unprecedented in Argentine history. While his advanced age grants him no chance of seeing his term through, President Palacios will die happily, knowing his election prevented the return of Totalitarianism, for now...
- Chummy Commies: Palacios is a veteran socialist who helps stem the rise of totalitarianism in Argentina by quelling Peronism's influence in the country, and as in real life believes that socialism is impossible to accomplish without preserving liberty and freedom.
- Face Death with Dignity: Upon taking office, Palacios knows that his advanced age will catch up wtih him and kill him before his term is up, but he'll die happy that he prevented the rise of Peronism, his lifelong dream.
- Pyrrhic Victory: Once Palacios successfully purges Argentina of Peronist influence, his allies will begin turning on each other and throwing the Argentine political scene back into chaos.
- We Hardly Knew Ye: Palacios dies sometime after taking the Presidency, leading Santander to become the President.
Presidential Successors
Silvano Santander
Role: Vice Presidentnote Head of Government (Palacios cabinet), Head of State (Palacios succession)
Party: Union Democrática - Union Civica Radical del Pubelo (Unionistas - Movimiento Radical Indepiendente)note Democratic Union - Radical Civil Union of the People (Unionists - Independent Radical Movement)
Ideology: Liberal Radicalismnote Liberalism
In-Game Biography (Vice President) Click to Show Silvano Santander represents the most hysterical anti-Peronism in the entirety of Argentina. He is know to the public primarily for his exaggerated, sometimes libelous claims about the pro-Nazi activities of his political opponents, and for being part of the 'perment plotter's corp' during the Frondizi government.
Santander's election as Vice President in the electoral college responded primarily to the Democratic Union's desire to showcase the most strongly anti-fascist figure available. It is possible this objective might have been overshot, as Santander's increasing calls for wholesale purges and investigations into 'totalitarian' activity seem certain to become policy once Palacio's poor health eventually runs out.
- Commie Nazis: This does not apply to him personally but Santander is fond of accusing Peronists of this, referring to them as "being infinitely more susceptible to nazifascist communism" in the Guido presidency teaser.
- Hitler Ate Sugar: Santander is infamous for making exaggerated, even libelous claims against his opponents. Notably, if Santander thinks anyone is a Peronist, he'll call them pro-Nazi.
- The Purge: Santander calls for the purge of all totalitarian activity in the Argentina government and will wait for Palacios' death to actually turn it into policy.
- Well-Intentioned Extremist: Santander is a dedicated anti-fascist and firmly against totalitarian activity and Peronism, which can lead him to extremes such as calling for the military to coup Guido as seen in the Guido presidency teaser.
Presidents (1969 election)
Rodolfo Martinovic
Role: Head of State (1969 election)
Party: Unión Cívica Radical del Pueblo (Linea Cordoba)note Radical Civil Union of the People (Cordoba Line)
Ideology: Social Radicalismnote Progressivism
In-Game Biography Click to Show No one can tell exactly when the War against Ricardo Balbín began. When precisely, did the arrogance of Buenos Aires and its national committee finally broke the patience of Arturo Illia's closest supporters cannot be precisely determined. What is known is its bizarre outcome, and the benefit it brought to the governor of perhaps the most peripheral state of all.
Rodolfo Martinovic was born in Buenos Aires, the child of Croatian immigrants. Somewhat stereotypically for a Radical politician, he studied medicine, and moved to the unforgiving, frigid Patagonian South to exercise said profession. He became politically recognized in his adopted home of Santa Cruz for his role in founding the Province's principal hospital. Still, this was not enough to succeed against the immense power of Peronism in the rural south, and prospective deputy-governor Martinovic experienced a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Peronist-supported UCRI candidate in the Province's first elections in 1958.
Martinovic was not done, however, and in any event, the brave stance earned him support to run in 1963. His campaign style, general demeanor, and almost messianc attitude earned him - probably sought-after - comparisons to Jânio Quadros. In any event what earned him national status wasn't this, but the permanent hostility to which he was subjected to by Balbín's men in the provincial UCRP, and his aggressive responses to it. In an attitude that reflected growing disillusionment with his handling of internal Radical-Party affairs, Martinovic launched an open against the President of the National Committee, quietly aided by Illia and the Cordoba Line, to which he belongs.
To everyone's surprise, this Patagonian Quadros won his showdown with Goliath, and with Illia in control of the national executive, there was no one else to fill the shoes of a Presidential Candidate but himself. On the campaign trail, he repeated his provincial strategy, and his calls to clean up Buenos Aires' notorious politics, stand up for the rights of the Interior, and reimpose Presidential authority resonated enough to hand him the presidency. Indeed, the Yrigoyenist tone of his campaign, unseen in Radical circles for years, is generally credited for his victory. Now, however, he has to face the reality of governing, which has been made ever so much harder by his declared opposition to just about all non-Radical political, sindical, and social sectors. Moreover, his enemies in the UCRP, ever resentful of his attacks on Balbín, have begun making moves to defenestrate him.
- Contempt Crossfire: His focus on reimposing presidential authority and restoring the rights of the Interior has won him no friends outside of the Radicals, but even the Radicals are starting to lose patience with Martinovic, resenting his attacks on Balbín.
- Suspiciously Similar Substitute: Upon his victory in the 1969 elections, Martinovic vows to continue many of the same policies advocated by Illia.
Emilio Jofré
Role: Head of State (1969 election)
Party: Partido Demócrata Conservadornote Conservative Democrat Party
Ideology: Liberal Conservatism
In-Game Biography Click to Show If there was any moment that things could change for the aging conservative movement, it would be this one. In the hands of Emilio Jofré, conservatism lives or dies.
Born to wealth in the province of Mendoza, Jofré first rose to prominence when he managed to snatch the seat of Governor from Peronists and Radicals alike. By the late sixties, Jofré was one of the most successful conservatives of Argentina. It was the perfect moment, as the conservative parties began to realign, re-emerge, and eventually, reform. In Emilio Jofré, they had their candidate.
Improbably, the campaign worked - Jofré and the PDC soared into power. Now, Jofré must form the first government ruled by a unified conservative party since 1943. It is an immense challenge, but Jofré is up to the task. While his milder anti-Peronism and feminist leanings might be at odds with many in his party, his acumen has allowed him to gather a cabinet that might turn back the tides of reformism once and for all.
It might seem insane that Emilio Jofré is so calm. To those within his party, his success - or his failure - will drive the fate of the Conservative movement for decades to come. But this is just his job. In the face of expectations, there is nothing he can do but get to work.
- Mellow Fellow: Even though the fate of the recently reunified Conservative movement is dependent on his term, Jofré is scarily calm about the situation, only focused on getting to work and implementing some mild reforms to Argentina.
- Universally Beloved Leader: Jofré is beloved across Argentina for being a likeable and efficient governor, which may help him win the 1969 presidential election.
Guillermo Estevez Boero
Role: Head of State (1969 election)
Party: Partido Socialistanote Socialist Party
Ideology: Democratic Socialismnote Progressivism
In-Game Biography Click to Show How to adapt Socialism to the particularities of the Argentinian nation? After years of trials and tribulations, the Socialist activist born in Rosario seems to have figured out how. For most of his life, Boero stood out as an important figure of the student activist movement, being present in every conflict in defense of students' rights. Despite being characterized as a man of action and organizer instead of a thinker, Boero developed his own political theory to revitalize the Socialist movement.
Despite their almost irreconcilable differences, Peronism and Radicalism have more in common than everyone thinks: Nationalist popular movements that had to be stopped by local and foreign economic elites by force. According to Boero, the path to "national liberation" lies in a political alliance to guarantee the stability of the democratic system. Building upon the legacy of Alfredo Palacios, Boero thinks a popular movement based on equality, social justice, and democracy will end the Argentinian cycle of self-destruction.
Now that he has emerged as the unlikely winner of the 1969 election, he wants to put his ideas into practice. Socialism without bombs or weapons, but achieved through democratic consensus, defense of national interests, and solidarity with fellow Latin American nations. A new nation won't be built on death and hatred, but hope for the future.
But, what if it ends like everyone else that tried and failed?
- Internal Reformist: Boero is elected in 1969 with the goal of implementing socialism in Argentina via democratic consensus.
- Reconcile the Bitter Foes: Boero believes the goal to "national liberation" is to form a political alliance between Peronism and Radicalism to guarantee the stability of Argentina's democratic system.
Cipriano Reyes
Role: Head of State (1969 election)
Party: Frente Popular de la Lealtad al Justicialismo (Partido Laborista)note Popular Front of Loyalty to Justicialism (Laborist Party)
Ideology: Peronismnote Paternalism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Revenge is a dish best served cold, and Cipriano Reyes has been waiting for his plate for nearly two decades.
Reyes was once a leading trade unionist, whose dream was to replicate the success of the British Labour Party in the context of a rapidly industrializing Buenos Aires urban area. This dream was co-opted by the arrival of a certain Colonel to the Undersecretary of Labour, who turned Reyes' dreams into a personalistic nightmare. Nevertheless, he tried to make it work. Indeed, between 1943 and 1945, few men worked as tirelessly as him to ensure the success of Perón's career. When his jailing made him ineligible for the candidacy that year, Perón ordered his supporters to cast blank ballots. Reyes disagreed, and ran for president himself, and in 1952, against Perón.
For his trouble, the dissident labour-leader was jailed by both Radicals and Peronist governments, but offered a post within the Lonardi administration, which he was unable to take up due to its short existence. Nevertheless, he was determined to revive the Labour Party, and slowly but surely worked with trade-unionists who grew increasingly tired of Perón's leadership from afar. His success in creating an antiperonist-peronist front with Augusto Vandor's union, and several neoperonist politicians, enabled him to wrestle the reins of the labour movement away from the Colonel, once and for all. In addition to the dissident Peronists grouped in his own PL, the UP, PTB, PP and several MP Ps, Reyes, helped by former-President Frondizi, has amassed the help of a wide coalition of smaller parties, ranging from Frondizi's MID, to Christian Democrats, and even some far-right Nationalist parties.
This victory of political ingenuity and independent labour has completely upended the Argentine political scene, as has the military's willingness to allow Reyes to take office. While what happens from now is a mystery, one thing is certain: The era of Perón is over, and Reyes has been its undertaker.
- Arch-Enemy: Reyes is an infamous opponent to Perón, having led the first rebellion against him in the 1950s. This reputation quickly lands him as the candidate of a Peronist coalition for the 1969 presidential election. In office, Reyes plans to kill off any chance for the exiled tyrant to return.
- Defector from Decadence: Reyes used to be allied to Perón, but their relationship has since deteriorated when he tried running against him for president in 1952. Now, Reyes is a neo-Peronist who borrows many of the original ideology's values, but rejects Perón himself as the face of the movement.
Presidents (Failed Colorado Coup)
José María Guido
Role: Head of State (Frondizi succession), Minister of Foreign Affairsnote Foreign Minister (Martínez cabinet)
Party: Union Civica Radical Intransigente (Desarollista)note Intrasigent Radical Civic Union (Developmentalist)
Ideology: Liberal Radicalismnote Liberalism, Civilian Dictatorshipnote Despotism (Colorado coup failed)
In-Game Biography Click to Show In the history of Argentina, the Presidency of the Nation has proven such a coveted position that despair at the notion of holding the office would have been unthinkable, until now.
José María Guido, a well meaning small town attorney from Rio Negro, gained some political fame in 1956 as one of "Frondizi's Leutenants," the group of UCR and later UCRI politicians most aligned with the then-president of the National Committie. Propelled to the Senate in representation of an overwhelmingly Peronist province by the Perón-Frondizi deal, Guido came to be next in line for succession after the resignation of Alejandro Gomez, and again after Balbín's.
As determined to maintain Frondizi in office as the man himself, Guido refused repeated attempts by the military cabinet and individual officers to take over the presidency. Unknown to him, these had been orchestrated by Frondizi himself, and he would eventually be sucked into The President's plot to ensure his continuity in government after his overthrow. Thus, the anguished Guido was thrust into the presidency, entirely unprepared and sadeneed. His only instructions, received in correspondence from the imprisoned Frondizi, read:
"Guido must renounce The Party. The Party must collaborate with Guido after resigning from the Party. Differentiate the government from the Party. save what remains of the Government. Legislators must not leave and must provide the quorum to the needs. Negotiate institutional stability for now. Challenges must be overcome to avoid civil war."
Guido's tasks, thankless as it will doubtlessly prove given the unpopular measures it necessitates, is further difficulted by the vastly reduced authority of The Presidency, the collapse of military discipline, and the increasing desire of certain generals to end the failed experiment of democracy once again. Above all, however, Guido's own desire to protect his own image, and his horror at the notion of bloodshed, make taking necessary measures to stop them far more difficult than it should be.
In-Game Biography (Minister of Foreign Affairs) Click to Show President Guido does not really understand that whatever few faculties of power he had during his brief and unfortunate presidency are now gone, but he would not care any which way.
Happy to be of service to Frondizi's plan until the upcoming elections and then take a permanent break from politics, Guido continues to fulfil his ceremonial role as president, acting as something of a glorified foreign minister.
- Cowardly Lion: Guido is a meek man who is easily intimidated, but when he's President, he tries his best to conceal his fear so that he doesn't seem weak to the hostile Argentine military.
- Fish out of Water: Guido never wanted to be president and was only pushed into officer under pressure by Frondizi. Once in power, Guido is faced with an evergrowing chaotic political scene and a more militant army eager to coup the government when the opportunity presents itself, in which Guido is afraid to get blood on his hands or tarnish his public reputation.
- Lesser of Two Evils: Settling into the presidency, Guido receives a recommendation by Martínez to appoint Federico Pinedo as Minister of Economics because he's a prestigious politician that would boost the legitimacy of his administration and dissuade the military from launching a coup without losing face. Even though Guido personally hates Pinedo, he can't deny this logic and chooses to appoint Pinedo rather than face the possibility of a military coup.
- Puppet King: After Martínez's coup, Guido is still President, but has lost so much control and responsibility to Martínez that he ends up essentially being Argentina's Foreign Ministernote most puppet leaders in TNO who are too powerless to be treated as in-game head of state are only shunted to being head of government (not that he's complaining).
- Reluctant Ruler: Guido is a mere lawyer and had no desire to become President. However, unfortunate circumstances can force Guido into the position, with minimal experience on how to rule and great reluctance to undertake measures to limit the influence of the military and prevent any bloodshed.
- Throw the Dog a Bone: Despite having to endure through a lot of terrible circumstances in his presidency, it is possible for him to repel a military coup and keep Argentine democracy alive.
- Unexpected Successor: Guido never wanted to be President and refused any opportunities to seize the position forcefully. However, the resginations of Alejandro Gómez and Ricardo Balbín left the Vice President position vacant and, when Frondizi is imprisoned by the military, the former President and the Supreme Court pull Guido into the presidency to buy time to prevent the military from couping the democratic government.
Rodolfo Martínez
Role: Minister of the Interiornote Head of Government (Guido cabinet), Head of State (Guido succession)
Party: Frente Nacional - Partido Democrata Cristiano (Popular)note National Front - Christian Democratic Party (Popular)
Ideology: Christian Democracynote Liberal Conservatism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Few in Argentine politics stand out from the innumerable legions of lawyers - "los doctores" - that occupy the majority of dependencies in all three branches of government. Until recently, Dr. Rodolfo Pastor Martinez was not one of them.
A conservative lawyer from Cordoba, Martinez became a judge in the 1940s after a brief spell in the army, where he served under Major Eduardo Lonardi, who in turn was married to his cousin. His legal career was cut short, however, when his membership in the Democratic Union's national committee drove him into politics, having a brief run as leader of the Cordoba Democratic Party, before being pushed aside.
A known member of the anti-Peronist opposition throughout the next five years, Martinez played a key role in the founding of the Christian Democratic Party. When Lonardi toppled Perón in 1956, he was appointed to the Consultative Junta in representation of the new party, and upon the general's defenestration, he was elevated to Minister of Industry. Throughout his time in Hartung's provisional administration, Martinez remained one of the most vociferously anti-Peronist figures in the government, and struck up a close friendship with the minister of War, General Aramburu. Given tenure at the University of Buenos Aires shortly thereafter, he temporarily retired from politics.
Martinez's return to the stage in the dying days of Frondizi's government, at the behest of Aramburu, proved a turning point. Incensed with his political friend's u-turn on whether or not to oust the intransigent President, Martinez broke off relations with him retroactively became a Lonardist, aligning himself with the deceased general's allies in an effort to revive his political project. After facing a coup attempt and clearing the last attempted hurdles of opposition from generals linked to Alvaro Alsogaray, Martinez and his protege Mariano Grondona have successfully hijacked Guido's interim administration to create the National Front, and electoral vehicle with which, they hope, it shall be possible get the country moving, while neutralizing Peronism by integrating it into the political system.
In-Game Biography (Minister of the Interior) Click to ShowInvited to the dying Frondizi cabinet at the insistence of General Aramburu, Rodolfo "Rolo" Martinez had a falling out with his benefactor, and either out of spite or conviction resolved to obstruct his political ambitions by aiding in attempts to ensure Frondizi's survival.
When these failed, Martinez was entrusted by Frondizi to locate and convince Jose Maria Guido to take office in order to forestall a military coup. The friendship that was forged between the two men in the immense anguish of the few hours between their first meeting that very day, and Guido's official swearing in was sufficient for the new President to request Martinez stay on minister of the interior, and attempt some form of solution to the problem of the incoming Peronist deputies and governors whose election has not yet been annulled.
- Back from the Brink: If Guido takes power and nearly lets the military take over, Martínez will take over and root out all of Guido's military allies, intent on reviving Argentine democracy before it is too late.
- The Coup: Martínez can coup the Guido administration to ensure that Argentine democracy is kept safe, while Peronism is exterminated in the nation's political system.
- Dragon-in-Chief: Martínez is effectively President after usurping Guido, to the point that Guido becomes a glorified ambassador.
- Nice Job Breaking It, Hero: His efforts to save Argentinian democracy from the military can potentially lead to Lima getting elected, who will then invite Perón back to Argentina, effectively creating another authoritarian government over Argentina and undoing all of Martínez's hard work to root out Perón's influence in the country.
Peronist Interim Presidents
Vicente Solano Lima
Role: Head of State (Martínez succession)
Party: Frente Nacional - Partido Conservador Popularnote National Front - Popular Conservative Party
Ideology: Populist Conservatismnote Conservatism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Dr. Vicente Solano Lima comes from another time, a forgotten era of Argentine politics from before Perón. Born to an aging Rosista father in 1901, he was given the middle name 'Solano' in honor of the Paraguayan dictator Solano Lopez, but this was eventually confused with his surname - 'Lima' - to the point of becoming inseparable.
The young Vicente opted to become a lawyer, but unlike his schoolmate Ernesto Sanmartino, became associated with Conservative politics. He was elected a National Deputy for the National-Democrats (PDN), and later appointed as chief minister in the Provincial administration of Rodolfo Moreno. It was here that he earned the moniker of, "Red Minister" for carrying out a proto-Peronist labor policy. Displaced shortly before the 1943 Coup, he returned and obtained control of the Buenos Aires conservatives in 1946. Although he was briefly exiled to Montevideo during Perón's presidency for printing conservative newspapers, he consistently denied being an Antiperonist.
Because of his friendly connections to syndical leaders, and willingness to stand in the rigged Peronist elections, Solano Lima became the face of the PDN throughout most of the 1950s. His conciliatory positions with respect to Peronism placed him and the Buenos Aires conservatives on a collision course with the 'liberal' conservative parties in the interior. The crash eventually occurred in 1956, when Solano Lima's faction backed Lonardi against the navy coup that displaced him. The resulting crisis destroyed the PDN, and Solano Lima created his own party, the Popular Conservatives (PCP), who adopted a pro-Peronist policy. This conciliatory attitude, his defense of Lonardi, and nominal non-Peronism make him an acceptable candidate for the Azul's Frente Nacional.
The National Front, intended as an agglutination of "productivist" social sectors that, with the support of the military, could carry out an ambitious industrialization project, failed to achieve the universality that its progenitor, the also former-conservative Rodolfo Martinez intended. With most Radicals refusing to participate, it became a proxy for Peronists, Frondizists and Christian Democrats, Nationalists, and the PCP, with Solano Lima at the lead. Unfortunately for the Generals that arranged for the Front's construction, however, Solano-Lima's connections to Perón are far deeper than they imagine.
- Puppet King: He only presents himself to the presidential elections to pave the way for Perón's eventual return to power.
- Short-Lived Leadership: His presidency doesn't last very long, as his only intent is to pave the way for Perón's return to Argentina.
José Emilio Visca
Role: Head of State (Lima succession)
Party: Frente Nacionalnote National Front
Ideology: Populist Conservatismnote Conservatism
- Short-Lived Leadership: Visca is only put into power as an interim president during the second election after Perón's return, stepping down as soon as Perón rigs the vote in his favor.
Peronist Regime
Juan Domingo Perón
Role: Head of State (Visca succession)
Party: Partido Peronista/Partido Peronista Femeninonote Peronist Party/Female Peronist Party
Ideology: Peronismnote Paternalism, Personalistic Dictatorshipnote Despotism, Fascist Populismnote Fascism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Twice toppled, twice returned, Colonel Juan Domingo Perón has accomplished what not even Juan Manuel de Rosas could.
With the begrudging consent of his erstwhile detractors, the catholic-nationalists, the suicidal support of some imbecilic leftists, and the self-imposed legalism of certain Azul generals, Perón's agents were permited to co-opt the National Front, and blitz through a series of events to enable his return.
Although they do not yet realize it, the aforementioned amalgamation of useful idiots who sleepwalked their way into permitting the return of the same man they once deposed, is about to have its expectations of a Perón more amenable to their particular visions for the future of Argentina fully defrauded.
Effortlessly restored to his position, this astute paragon of Argentinity can only be left to reach the same conclusion as everyone else: Peronism pays. In line with this, Colonel Perón has determined no fundamental modifications to his original government, so rudely interrupted in 1956, are necessary. And so, to the tune of the Marcha Peronista and an overwhelming majority of votes, Argentina happily marches back into the previous decade.
For the forty percent of the country unfortunate enough to disagree with this project, the returned Colonel can only offer lodgings at Villa Devoto Prison replete with the familiar hospitality of the Special Section for the Repression of Communism, and of course, the latest item in his inventory of wit and wisdom:
"I did not return because I was good, but because you were far worse."
Perón's successors
Carlos Saúl Menem
Role: Head of State (Despot Perón succession)
Party: Partido Peronista - Menemistanote Peronist Party - Menemist
Ideology: Peronismnote Paternalism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Being the lord and master of La Rioja, Vice-President, a professional rally car driver, a devout Muslim family man, and media personality all at once is not an easy task. Nevertheless, Carlos "the Turk" Menem performs all of these simultaneous roles with glee and charisma unmatched by professional demagogues the world over. Indeed, this admirer of Facundo Quiroga, who had his political start less than twenty years ago, grew to be popular enough to scare even Peron himself.
Elected governor of La Rioja briefly before Peron's return in 1964, he proceeded, as Peronist governors often do, to turn his Province into a firmly controlled feudal domain, home to some of the most outrageously lopsided elections throughout Perón's second and third governments. Even before securing this base, however, his permanent visits to other provinces pointed towards a long-term electioneering campaign, the benefits of which would someday be reaped. So it was that when the time came, Menem was able to force his own election as the ailing Perón's Vice-President and effective successor.
Running on a comically demagogic platform so manifestly divorced from economic reality as to make many of his own supporters question its seriousness, Menem came to be identified not only as the "continuity" candidate, but as one who would do Peronism even harder than Perón himself. This in part is true, Menem has every intention of maintaining the regime and its methods. However, Menem's appreciation of the economic and geopolitical situation is completely different in private than it has been in public. Convinced of the inevitability of America's victory in the Cold War, and the inefficiency of the Argentine economy, the new President has decided - at the detriment of traditional tenants of Peronist ideology - to adjust the regime accordingly.
The last hurdle before Menem has the political strength within the Peronist Party to do so lies in snap elections he has called, a move which has provoked a controlled but significant thaw, to the extent it has become a real contest. His opponents, grouped either in the Authentic Peronist Party, made up by the remnants of purged leftists within the PP/PPF, and the Radical Civic Union thus have some chance of defeating him. Indeed, as an unnervingly popular campaign slogan promoted by the former points out, traditional Peronist may find themselves at risk of voting for Menem, but electing Alsogaray.
- Hot Blooded Sideburns: Menem becomes President more than a decade earlier than in real life, and as such still retains his famously extravagant sideburns.
- A Lighter Shade of Black: Menem is an active supporter of many of Peronism's unsavoury parts, but Argentina is far better off in his hands than Anchorena's or López Rega's.
- Meet the New Boss: Among Perón's potential successors, Menem is the one who will maintain the status quo as much as possible.
- Our Presidents Are Different: Menem is President Minority. Even if he's converted from Islam to Catholicism out of political convenience like in real life, it's an Open Secret that he's actually still a Muslim, given that his bio portrays him as happily playing the role of "devout Muslim family man".
- Pragmatic Villainy: Recognizing the United States' growing influence on the geopolitical stage, Menem goes against the tenets of Peronism to open relations with them and keep his regime afloat.
- Villain with Good Publicity: Thanks to his dashing charisma, Menem is a popular politician despite his demagogic style of governance.
- Young Future Famous People: In real life Meném only began his political carrer in the 70s and became president in 1989. In the TNO timeline, he nearly kickstarts his political carrer earlier, as he was going to be governor of La Rioja in 1963, but this was cancelled last minute by Peron, who gave the order to not go forward with candidates.
Isabel Martínez de Perón
Role: Head of State (Despot Perón succession)
Party: Partido Peronista Femeninonote Female Peronist Party
Ideology: Esoteric Nazismnote National Socialism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Without a doubt the most unfortunate consequence of the deceased leader's poor taste is that amongst all the extremely talented politicians in the Female Peronist Party, it was his wife that was chosen to represent them.
Isabel Perón is, without any doubt, a brute. Indeed, she is perhaps the single least intelligent or capable person in all of Argentine public life, having failed to pass the 5th Grade. At the time, she found it much more enticing to opt for dance school, from which she graduated into the job market with a stable employment at a Venezuelan brothel. It was here that she met recently exiled and depressed widower Juan Perón. Whether possessed by lust or afflicted by an enormous lapse of judgement, the former President took his trophy concubine to Iberia when he was forced away from the South American continent, and was regrettably forced to marry her after one of General Franco's prudist fits.
Having acquired a notoriously Castillian accent during her time in Iberia, Mrs. Perón returned to Argentina to fulfill the ceremonial role of first lady - one requiring tact and mannerisms far in excess of her limited brainpower - but was rapidly bored. To relieve her apathy, she drifted towards the social circle gravitating around Jose Lopez Rega, a Peronist Party functionary who was a onetime Burgundian intelligence asset with shared interests in the occult arts.
This might have yet remained an ultimately unsubstantial relation if not for the failure of Perón's plan to leave either Jose Rucci or Ricardo Balbín as his successor. Without a candidate to nominate in a hotly contested national convention, the Peronist delegates chose the least controversial choice possible: The President's wife. In effect, the selection of a woman so unprepared, uninterested, and incapable was equivalent to the appointment of her closest advisor: Lopez Rega. Indeed, he has not wasted any time in making this known, as shown by both the numerous designations of his allies to powerful or lucrative government positions, and the increasing impunity of his personal deathsquad, which operates from the premises of the Ministry of Welfare.
While labour and the military have thus far tolerated Rega's presence in the halls of power as a useful tool for the destruction of left-wing Peronism, his privileged position has now become untenable. It is now only a matter of how much damage he will cause before other sectors can force a different shadow-master on the nominal president.
- Affectionate Nickname: She is commonly refered as "Isabelita" by Perón's fanatical followers.
- Breaking the Glass Ceiling: Isabel can become the first female ruler of Argentina.
- The Ditz: Isabel is incompetent and incredibly unintelligent, having failed to pass 5th grade and never returning to school again after, and it's her stupidity which allows López Rega to hold real power in Argentina.
- Fascist, but Inefficient: With her blatant incompetence and López Rega's brutish repression of the people, her presidency will be incredibly unstable and unlikely to survive longer than it did in OTL.
- Puppet Queen: Isabel when in power is a mere puppet of Lopéz Rega, who exerceses a Rasputin-like authority over her, being the reason why her regime is classified as Esoteric Nazism.
- "Reason You Suck" Speech: One of the starkest examples of the in-game biography doing this to its subject, especially seeing as she's not even a joke leader. That her catastrophic presidency actually happened, under almost identical circumstances, is a likely factor.
Manuel de Anchorena
Role: Head of State (Fascist Perón succession)
Party: Partido Peronista - Movimiento Federalnote Peronist Party - Federal Movement
Ideology: Fascist Populismnote Fascism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Sporting a surname that Eva Perón qualified as "reeking with manure," Manuel de Anchorena has endured all the humiliations and suspicions engendered by his extremely privileged background for one purpose: Using Peronism as a vehicle for for his life's goal, the rehabilitation of Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor of Buenos Aires between 1835 and 1852. While this goal may seem far too esoteric to dedicate an entire life on, for a very significant number of intellectuals, nationalist militants, and trade unionists, it is a holy crusade of historic importance.
For this landowner-rancher turned Peronist politician, the mission to restore his namesake to glory has also provided him with a sizable constituency within the Peronist Party, adhering either to traditionalist or fascistic political currents, that shares the same objective. With their help, Anchorena was catapulted into his hero's former post, the Buenos Aires governorship, and later the Vice-Presidency. Now at the helm of the ship of state, Anchorena's first priority is to ensure Rosas' rehabilitation, to levels higher than even many of his supporters imagined possible. Indeed, he has explicitly denounced the legacy of the 1853 Constitution and liberal thought in general and looks ready to progressively liquidate all remaining traces of both in the Peronist Constitution, all the while restoring certain aesthetic ornaments used in Rosas' days.
Other than this crusade against liberalism, Anchorena appears to have left the government primarily to his cabinet, an odd collection of like-minded trade-unionists, army officers, and peronist party functionaries of relatively diverse ideological extraction, which has, save for some economic cutbacks, more or less retained most of the policies in place at the time of Perón's passing. Indeed, the only area in which Anchorena's government has proven particularly proactive has been the repression of leftists, irrespective of their ideological origin. In particular, the increasingly pervasive activities of ministers Oscar Ivanissevich and Alberto Ottalagano are drumming up rumors of a large-scale purge more akin to those common in Germany.
- A Lighter Shade of Black:
- Anchorena is a potential successor to Perón after his passing and while he is a fascist with unorthodox ideas, he's still more grounded than López Rega.
- Compared to his ministers, like Oscar Ivanissevish and Alberto Ottalagno, Anchorena is relatively restrained in massacring minority groups, like Jews.
- Hero-Worshipper: Anchorena idolizes the totalitarian caudillo Juan Manuel de Rosas
who is revered as a true Argentine patriot by his far-right followers, even dedicating his whole life into the rehabilitation of his character, despite Rosas's name being synonymous with tyranny and death in Argentina. Once he takes power, Anchorena will erase all remaining tenets of the 1853 Constitution that transferred to the Peronist Constitution, while also restoring aesthetic ornaments utilized by Rosas. - Nostalgia Filter: Anchorena is obsessed for the days of the Argentine Confederation under the rule of Juan Manuel de Rosas. And if he becomes leader of Argentina, he will rename it the Justicialist Confederation of Argentina as a tribute to the Argentine Confederation.
- Red Scare: In his inauguration speech, Anchorena vows to continue Perón's purges against perceived Marxist infiltrators in Argentina.
- The Remnant: With the dissolution of the fascist Tacuara Nationalist Movement by Perón, it's remaining members coalesce around Anchorena as their new leader.
Ricardo Balbín
Role: Vice Presidentnote Head of Government (Frondizi and Perón cabinet), Head of State (Paternalist Perón succession)
Party: Unión Cívica Radical del Pueblonote People's Radical Civic Union
Ideology: Liberal Radicalismnote Liberalism
In-Game Biography Click to Show The face of the democratic struggle against Juan Perón and professional loser Ricardo Balbín has now faced the ultimate, crushing humiliation of reaching the post he's fought and lost four times, entirely due to the magnanimity of the man who thrice defeated him, Perón himself.
In truth, this is only fair. Balbín's overnight catapultation to the forefront of Argentine politics was itself the result of a carefully planned move by Perón: In a bid to atenuate Arturo Frondizi's then seemingly unstoppable rise, Perón ordered a purposefully botched assassination attempt on Balbín's life, which as expected, turned the decent but markedly mediocre intransigeant Congressman into a martyr. Indeed, the plan worked so well that Frondizi was so thoroughly disposed of his majority within the party, that he became resentful enough to himself become a Peronist asset.
With Frondizi's fall to the Peronists, Balbín remained the only national figure available to the opposition, and so, he tiresomely marched towards certain defeat against Perón and his men every six years, becoming increasingly depressed. It turned out, however, that this image as a perennial candidate had his use. Perón, sensing his impending death and lack of a suitable successor, found a useful transitional and sympathetic figure in this meek opposition leader, and determined to ensure his election as his Vice-President, convinced his mere ascension to the office would prove enough to bring about a peaceful dismantlement of a regime he long ago lost control of.
With Perón now deceased, it appears his plan is working to perfection, with a small preemptive coup on the part of non-Peronist officers to forestall any movement against the legitimate President, Balbín has had little to do but watch as the Peronist Party collapses on itself. Many, including him, think this means a return to free elections as soon as his term is over. However, the UCRP is not what it used to be, and men like Hidalgo Solá, the increasingly powerful Minister of Defense, have taken the view that it is necessary to elongate the transitional period by predetermining the outcome of at least the subsequent election trough some form of frankensteinian UCRP-PP/PPF alliance, forced with the blessing and direction of the military.
- The Coup: After Perón passes, Balbín will launch a coup against the Peronist government to restore Argentine democracy.
- Unwitting Pawn: Balbín's seemingly successful coup was actually organized by Perón himself, who sensed his impending death and found no worthy successor to his regime. Rapidly losing control over the dictatorship he created, Perón purposely arranged for Balbín's ascension to Vice President, recognizing that he was a moderate and meek opposition leader who would ensure that his regime would be peacefully dismantled, while retaining his cult of personality.
Julián Licastro
Role: Head of State (CTP coup)
Party: Partido Peronista - Comando Tecnológico Peronistanote Peronist Party - Peronist Technological Command
Ideology: Peronismnote Paternalism
In-Game Biography Click to Show There is no President of Argentina, only Major Julian Licastro, chief of the "Peronist Technological Command"(CTP), an organization that would appear as an invention of poorly written fiction, were it not so real. A junior officer graduating at the top of his class, Licastro's Peronist sympathies assured him unprecedentedly fast promotions, and an appointment to head Peronist Technological Command. This department of the Peronist Party, tasked with long-term political planning and establishing a functional Peronist philosophy, has now taken control of the machinery of the state.
When Peron's Vice President, elected in an emergency, appeared to deviate far too quickly from established peronist tennents, Licastro knew that it would be the death knell of the revolutionary process that began in June 1943. Thus forced to revolt against the government he pledged allegiance to, he, Colonel José Luis Valoni and other junior Peronist officers, and young members of the Peronist party such as Julio Barabro and Carlos Grosso launched an emergency coup to save Peronism from itself. The CTP officially "intervened" the Peronist Party in order to reform it in view of making it more sustainable. More specifically, Licastro has promised to attenuate the purges of leftist Peronists, and is working hard to forge a consistent ideological framework for Peronism to operate within.
This is easier said than done. While Licastro may rule the nation, he is paradoxically a subordinate, and indeed quite junior, Army officer. He walks upon a tightrope. The established Peronist political class no doubt plots against him, and the loyalties of many members of the CTP are themselves in question. Inspite of these challenges, Licastro is determined to enact his vision, but whether his government of junior officials and ideologues, many of them fresh from university, can survive long enough to complete it remains in question.
- Military Coup: Not so long after Perón's death, an unexpected coup can be done by junior ranks of the army, "in the defense of the revolution", declaring the presidency of both country and party vacant, and replacing it with the Peronist Technological Command, a department of the Peronist Party tasked with ideological planning with Major Julian Licastro at its head.
- Pragmatic Villainy: Believing that Argentina is deviating too much from Peronism, Licastro will promise some reforms to keep the ideology alive, such as diminishing the purges against the leftist Peronists.
- Visionary Villain: Licastro is a devout Peronist and will launch a coup after Perón's death if he believes that the elected Vice President is deviating too much from Peronist tenets, vowing to do the impossible and give Peronism a true, cohesive definition.
Cabinet Members
José López Rega
Role: Minister of Social Welfarenote Head of Government (Isabel cabinet)
Ideology: Esoteric Nazismnote National Socialism
- The Man Behind the Woman: López Rega uses his contact with Isabel to gain influence and unique access to quickly become the de-facto ruler of Argentina during Isabelita's rule.
- Necessarily Evil: Labour and the military have tolerated López's presence in the halls of power, seeing him as a useful tool for the destruction of left-wing Peronism, at least for now.
- Red Baron: López Rega is called "The Warlock" due to his interest in the occult and occasional occultist rituals he does, usually with Isabel in tow.
- Wicked Cultured: López Rega had a library with a wall dedicated to his great interest in the spiritual topics that later evolved into an interest on esotericism and occultism. By the time Isabel ascends to power, he's already a practicing occultist performing actual rituals.
Rogelio Julio Frigerio
Role: Minister of Economynote Economy Minister (Lima cabinet)
Party: Frente Nacional - Union Civica Radical Intransigente (Desarollistas)note National Front - Intrasigent Radical Civic Union (Developmentalist)
Ideology: National Liberalismnote Liberalism (Lima cabinet),
In-Game Biography (Minister of Economy) Click to Show Returned from his brief exile in Uruguay, Frondizi's economic front man has finally gotten his chance to officially hold the post of Minister of Economics. Having switched tactics from governing to exchanging votes for ownership of the economy, the portfolio is payment for Frondizi's role in getting the Frente Nacional Elected.
Whether Frigerio himself was going to be official occupant of the ministry was initially still a matter of deep discomfort for many an azul officers, but the - incorrect - assumption that his ego would dent any efforts to bring about concerted actions on the part of the cabinet against the imperant military establishment - which watches the government of their own creation with some apprehension - eventually won over fears of his 'totalitarian' connections.
- Dragon-in-Chief: Frigerio is really the one holding the reins of Pérez Companc's presidency.
- Emperor Scientist: Frigerio is obsessed with science and technology as a path to progress. With his Developmentalist technocratic policies, he plans to fully modernize the country.
- Internal Reformist: Upon taking office, Frigerio sets out to implement widespread reforms that will modernize and industrialize the nation.
Benjamín Rattenbach
Role: Secretary of Warnote Security Minister (Martínez cabinet), Head of State (Argentine Occupational Zone)
Ideology: National Catholicismnote Despotism, Military Mandatenote Paternalism (Argentine Occupational Zone)
In-Game Biography (Martínez Cabinet) Click to Show For General Rattenbach, the closest friend of the deceased General Lonardi, the success of the Frente Nacional initiative is a dream come true.
While Rattenbach is an adamant anti-Peronist, he still holds true to the concept that if separated from Perón, Peronists as a political force are fundamentally national, Christian, and in principle acceptable. Moreover, the cabinet struggle between Azules and Violetas enabled him to sideline General Onganía's view about the supremacy of the commander in chief above that of the War Minister, and appears to have removed the last hurdle in the normalization of the Army by doing so.
- Old Retainer: He was a close friend to the late General Lonardi and now works to uphold his values of a nationalist, Catholic Argentina.
- The Purge: In Argentina, he has General Onganía sidelined to assert the War Minister's authority over the commander-in-chief, reducing the chances of a military coup.
Argentina Armed Forces
Colorados Coup
Raul Poggi
Role: Head of State (Frondizi military coup)
Party: Fuerzas Armadas de la Republica Argentina (Colorado clique)note Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic (Colorado clique)
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Described variously as a gross hillbilly - "campechano" - a mediocre officer, and the prototypical arrogant gorilla, Lt. General Raúl Poggi represents perhaps the worst facet of the Argentine military.
An unknown officer undeservedly promoted as a result of a conscious policy of the Frondizi government to favor Military Engineers, the once upon a time Torranzist Poggi betrayed his mentor shortly before he fell victim to ill-advised plots. Rewarded with the leadership of the decapitated Army, Poggi let himself be influenced by the navy leadership, which did little to help his unpopularity with his own branch of service.
Apparently oblivious to the growing movement against him, Poggi developed even grander ambitions, manipulated by the Admirals along the way. Frondizi's misfortunes once more opened the way for an undeserved promotion, and Poggi marched his merry way into the Presidency after attempts to find alternative solutions failed, confirmed in his post by a Junta dominated by the navy.
While Poggi merrily signs decrees he makes little effort to read, however, the country and Army underneath him are beginning to unravel. The sheer extremes to which the now unleashed forces of anti peronism are willing to go are eating away the relative tolerance and aversion to violence that had characterised Argentine politics, even in times of undemocratic governments.
All the while, the mediocre general has been under increasing personal pressure, and his fits of rage become common, especially as the collapse of army discipline makes the figure of Army Caudillos, far more popular than himself, increasingly important.
- 0% Approval Rating: Poggi is despised by nearly everyone in Argentina's government for his arrogance and completely undeserved military promotions. When Poggi coups the democratic government, it's heavily implied that the military kills and replaces him with Menédez.
- Addled Addict: Poggi is addicted to geniol, a basic painkiller.
- Black-and-White Insanity: He sees everyone that doesn't agree with him as a Peronist agent.
- Knight Templar: He is absolutely dedicated to neutralize Peronist activity inside the country.
- Military Coup: Poggi can install a military takeover of Argentina after a political crisis and Frondizi's electoral defeat at the legislative elections, unless Guido is swiftly set up to become the next president and forestalls the coup.
- Opportunistic Bastard: When his mentor attempted a badlt executed coup against the Frondizi government, Poggi had no trouble betraying and distancing himself from him, happy to take his spot as the Army's leader.
- Pyrrhic Victory: If Poggi coups the government, he will allow civilians from the Conservative, Socialist, and Popular-Raical parties to still hold administrative positions in the government, but this just creates rivaling factions who threaten to depose Poggi. Not to mention that there are also whispers in the Army itself to coup Poggi as well.
- Uncertain Doom: Some time after launching his coup, the military junta will pass over leadership to Menédez as Poggi quietly disappears from the public scene. Though it's left unmentioned in the game, localization text outright state that he was killed in this outcome.
Benjamín Menédez
Role: Head of State (Poggi succession, Colorados coup)
Party: Fuerzas Armadas Argentinasnote Argentinean Armed Forces
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism
In-Game Biography Click to Show For Major General Benjamín Menéndez, coups are not a pastime, but a lifestyle. Unfortunately, he has never been very good at carrying them out.
After entering the army in 1910, Menedez was involved in almost every conceivable and failed coup attempt. A one-time nacionalista and germanophile officer, he repeatedly failed to overthrow the governments of General Justo and Dr. Ortiz in the late 1930s. He gladly supported, but was blindsighted, by the June 1943 revolution against Castillo, and by the successful imprisonment of Perón in 1945. When the Democratic Union government was set to move him into the reserve for his attitudes during the war, he attempted to topple them too, but failed to get any supported Shortly thereafter, the cavalryman became a fervent liberal and collaborated with Radical Unionists in a botched attempt to preempt Perón's presidential assumption in 1951.
Imprisoned for the rest of Perón's presidency, Menéndez was freed, but kept away from any important posts. Growing increasingly worried by the prospect of a Peronist return over the course of Frondizi's presidency, he attempted to overthrow him twice, but was often bullied by younger officers who 'stole' his generals, and had no role in his successful ouster. Finally, however, the end of Poggi and his clique forced the navy, at risk of losing its power and prestige, to scour deep enough into the pit of presidentiable retired generals. Thus, the plot which propelled Menendez and Rojas into the presidency and vice presidency at the behest of a junta controlled by the latter, was born.
The extreme element of luck involved in Menendez's umpteenth and ultimately successful coup plott aside, the 70 year old General faces serious questions about the viability of his presidency. While quite lucid, his up till now story of uninterrupted failures, subservience to the navy, former germanophilia, and general mediocrity have cast doubt on his usefulness. Moreover, his attitude towards the worsening Peronist violence appears to run counter to the growing calls for moderation within the army.
- Chronic Backstabbing Disorder: Menédez has participated in nearly every coup attempt made in Argentina, yet never gets seriously punished for them, allowing him to live another day and conspire in another coup.
- The Determinator: In spite of his incompetence, it's very hard not to appreciate Menédez's persistence. This man has attempted over six coups against the civilian government, yet no matter how many times he fails, it never gets him down.
- Military Coup: Menédez will take over Argentina if he either deposes Guido or succeeds Poggi after the two participate in the same coup against Frondizi.
- Pyrrhic Victory: If Menédez finally makes a successful coup attempt, he won't get to enjoy his victory completely, as the military despises his mediocrity and Germanophilia, making them likely to dispose of Menédez when it's convenient.
- Unexpected Successor: Menédez's designation to the Presidency by the junta has caught many people by surprise, specially because of the disappearance of former President Poggi.
Isaac Rojas
Role: Minister of the Interiornote Head of Government (Menédez cabinet), Head of State (Menédez succession)
Party: Fuerzas Armadas de la Republica Argentina - Clique Coloradosnote Armed Forces of the Argentine Republic - Colorados clique
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Admiral Isaac "Black Ant" Rojas, so named for his love of broad black sunglasses and his diminutive stature, or perhaps because he shamelessly chases after power like an ant.
Of course, Rojas now faces a similarly ignominious fate. Once a major powerbroker in the military junta and ally-turned-arch-enemy of Perón, Rojas has lost considerable influence after unwisely backing the Poggi and Menendez administrations. Rojas, his power over everything but the navy having slipped far from his grasp, has now been forced to fall in line with Aramburu's plan to control the country. As part of the scheme, Rojas now briefly serves as interim president of the Republic until elections can be held, the "victory" of Aramburu in which is considered a foregone conclusion by political analysts. Few are certain what will become of Rojas after Aramburu takes power, Rojas himself least of them all
In-Game Biography (Minister of the Interior) Click to Show By sheer technicality of how Menéndez's government operates, Isaac Rojas is not the President. In fact, in everything but name and title, Isaac Rojas is the sole governor over all of Argentina. While in name, Isaac Rojas is the Head of Naval Affairs for Argentina, though his impact on the sitting government is far greater than that. Since the days of Perón's dictatorship, Rojas has been an avid supporter of President Perón, leading all the way up until the coup against him in '56. Since then, his support for the dictator has withered away, and he had vowed to do everything in his power to stop his return. With his forcing of Menéndez into the seat of power, it seems he has gotten his wish.
With his primary goal for the last few years achieved, Rojas has found himself with a new goal: the continued presidency of Menéndez until the name "Perón" is forgotten not only by Argentina, but by history itself.
- How the Mighty Have Fallen: From major powerbroker in the junta to hapless schmuck of Aramburu, Rojas is an Admiral who has fallen, losing everything beyond control of the navy and the role as "seat-warmer" until elections are held, ones which Aramburu looks to have won before they've even begun.
- Red Baron: The Admiral has earnt the nickname Isaac "Black Ant" Rojas, due to his love of broad black sunglasses, diminutive stature, and endless and shameless pursuit after power.
- Short-Lived Leadership: Rojas is only meant to serve as an interim president until elections are held, which will almost certainly be in Aramburu's favor.
Pedro Eugenio Aramburu
Secretary of War portrait 
Role: Secretary of Warnote Security Minister (Menédez cabinet), Head of State (Rojas succession)
Party: Unión del Pueblo Argentinonote Union of the Argentine People
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism, Centrist Progressivismnote Liberal Conservatism (Rojas succession)
In-Game Biography Click to Show Immoral, sociopathic, unfeeling, and egotistical: Pedro Eugenio Aramburu is the ultimate distillation of the grotesque politicization of the Argentine Army, capable of changing loyalties or ideology whenever necessary, and completely divorced from any regard for Christian morality.
An unimpressive infantryman that obediently served as a senior officer throughout the entirety of the Peronist regime without incident or conspiratorial inclinations, Aramburu transformed into a fervent Gorila when the winds changed, and played an important role in backstabbing Lonardi as Minister of War. A few days later, he authorized the infamous executions of a few dissident generals and their civilian Peronist allies at the request of the President, Admiral Hartung, and even jailed his close personal friend, General Bengoa, for refusing to abandon Lonardi. In spite of this subservience, he was not rewarded with a promotion, and remained bitter at not becoming President himself, his longtime ambition which overcomes any consideration for God and Country.
Changing his strategy, Aramburu acted as leader of a pro-Frondizi sector in the Army during the Correntine lawyer's ill-fated presidency, hoping to obtain the UCRI candidacy for the presidency in 1963 by saving him from his imminent overthrow time and time again. Indeed, it was Aramburu who was called upon to solve the crisis that ultimately destroyed Frondizi's presidency, but changed his mind halfway through the affair and betrayed him, too. Rewarded with the leadership of the Army once Poggi's project failed, Aramburu immediately began plotting against General Menéndez, in a bid to finally conquer the Presidency. Successfully locking him up in an insane asylum, Aramburu could finally ascend to the presidency himself.
Taking power directly, however, was never Aramburu's plan. Instead, he carefully engineered an electoral law that would permit him, and the array of rancid gorilas around him, to take power by electoral means, with Peronism banned and the traditional UCR splintered beyond repair by the political convulsions of the last years. From this situation was born UDELPA, a party built entirely around his own figure, who in alliance with the anticlerical PDP, Unionist Radicals, Democratic Socialists, and military interests seeks to maintain a fundamentally unrepresentative and repressive center-left 'softatorship' until the memory of the deposed tyrant can be completely erased by the passage of time.
In-Game Biography (Secretary of War) Click to Show It is secret to none that Argentina's politics have been a muddled mess. The Unionists, Peronists, radicals, and moderates have all had their turn with Argentina, and now it's back around to the radical moderates; the military dictatorship to bring Argentina back from the brink. Life for the Argentinian politician has become that of a clown, and Argentina is the circus. None are more tired of it all than Pedro Eugenio Aramburu.
A military man by trade, Aramburu is tired. What tires him most is that the signs show themselves again. The cycle begins to repeat, and there is nothing that can be done to stop it, nothing but to put an end to it himself, no matter what it takes.
- Chronic Backstabbing Disorder: Aramburu first betrayed his boss Eduardo Lonardi when an anti-Peronist coup was underway, then participates in the military coup against Frondizi, and then plots to have Menédez locked up in an asylum so that he can take the presidency himself.
- Opportunistic Bastard: Aramburu is very capable of changing loyalties or ideologies if it suits him, uncaring if it violates his Christian morality.
- Pragmatic Villainy: Aramburu takes on a liberal agenda and isn't immediately repressive against the population because he wants to retain his power through legal means, in which he plans to engineer an electoral law that will turn Argentina into a one-party state in his favor. Should this be accomplish, virtually any hope of Perón returning will be quashed and Aramburu can reign unopposed.
- The Starscream: In the old Peronist regime, Aramburu tried to take the presidency himself by participating in the coup against President Eduardo Lonardi and then executing or jailing anyone still loyal to him, including his close friend, General Bengoa. Unfortunately for him, the presidency was not given to him, leaving Aramburu feeling very resentful.
Argentine Revolution
Juan Carlos Onganía
Role: Head of State (Romero or Illia Military Coup)
Party: Gabinete de Onganíanote Onganía's Cabinet
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism
In-Game Biography Click to ShowLt. General Juan Carlos "The Walrus" Onganía is a man who lives and dies by rules. Indeed, Onganía's near-fanatical adhesion to structure has been so intense that it has sometimes led him to underperform, as he did at the Colegio Militar de la Nación, where he ended in the bottom quarter of his class. This preference for rigid frameworks also steered the fairly intelligent cavalryman away from intellectualism of any sort, an aversion that when combined with his innate capacity to command and personal honesty, led him to develop as a stereotypical, "tropero," an officer dedicated exclusively to unit-command, who has never held staff or administrative posts.
Following rules also made coup-plotting deeply distasteful to Onganía, although his refusal to participate in anti-Peronist plots didn't save him from being exiled to a subordinate role at the Inspectoria General de Remonta, where he languished overseeing horse stables until Perón's overthrow. Following this stint as a nonentity, he became leading tank commander. Sickened by this collapse of organization during the 1960s, Onganía was driven to his breaking point, and together with many of his fellow Cavalry officers, led a campaign to destroy the "Colorados," incidentally saving Argentina democracy, and earning him the position of Commander-in-chief at age 48.
From there, Onganía's motivations become far murkier. The reasons for his retirement, his possible involvement in the coup that placed in power, and the extent to which he genuinely believes, or has been gaslighted into believing he is a great leader are almost impossible to determine. What is known is that the contingency plan for a takeover by the military, eventually put into effect by disgruntled generals, necessitated Onganía's appointment as president, something which he only accepted if he were given, "a blank check" to carry out, "an authentic national revolution." What exactly this means, particularly in light of the growing hostility between the mutually-distrustful Liberal and Nationalist groups that coexist in his government, remains to be seen. Nevertheless, Onganía's project appears to have a wide array of backing, including that of most trade unions and large corporations, and even his detractors recognize him as a well-educated, well-intentioned man.
- Ambiguously Evil: The reasons why he involved himself in a coup against Argentina's government or even if he's just being gaslighted to participate in it are unknown, though most will agree that he has good intentions, despite his actions. For his part, Onganía only agreed to become president if the generals gave him a "blank check" to carry out "an authentic national revolution", with observers not knowing what either of these terms mean. Even his cabinet appointments do not give a clear sign of his agenda, as his supporters range from liberals to esoteric nationalists.
- Cigar Chomper: Onganía has a noticeable love for expensive cigars, smoking them constantly.
- Failure Is the Only Option: Onganía can try to depoliticize the military, which will always fail.
- Hazy-Feel Turn: In the early stages of the game, Onganía can potentially foil a military coup attempted by the Colorados, inadvertently saving democracy in the process. However, if the elected president fails to keep the country stable, Onganía becomes convinced that he is the only one able to "save" the country from turmoil and accepts the presidency as a military dictator if the democratically elected president is overthrown by the military.
- Know When to Fold 'Em: Following the assassination of Pedro E. Aramburu, Onganía will step down and allow Levingston to take over Argentina.
- Lawful Stupid: Onganía is a rigid man who will follow the rules to the letter. Unfortunately, this has made him inflexible and unable to adapt to new circumstances that would best benefit him, such as participating in a coup against Perón.
- Military Coup: If dissatisfied with the Argentine civilian government under Romero or Illia, the military will launch a coup and dissolve itself it before it invites Onganía to lead the nation.
- Moral Guardians: As a fervent Catholic and fanatical moralist, Onganía wants to make sure to crush any and all "immoral" behavior, going so far as even targeting unfaithful couples.
- Reassigned to Antarctica: For his refusal to participate in anti-Peronist plots, Onganía was effectively exiled to a subordinate role in the Inspectoria General de Remonta, where his responsibility was to oversee horse stables. It was only after Perón's overthrow did he become a leading tank commander and put his career back on track.
- Well-Intentioned Extremist: Even if he leads a military coup against Argentina, he seems to have vague, but well-intentioned plans to restore some semblance of stability to the country.
Roberto Marcelo Levingston
Role: Head of State (Onganía succession)
Party: Gabinete de Levingstonnote Levingston Cabinet
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Roberto Levingston's presidency could not have been imagined as the improbable premise of a Gilbert and Sullivan operetta.
Taken from his comfortable post as military attache in Washington by a set of curious chances revolving around the rejection of all other possible candidates from shortlist of 12 illustrious generals and civilians in which he did not figure, and informed by phone of his appointment while at dinner, Levingston's tale may rank as the most bizarre in all of Argentine History. This grotesquely humorous incident, exacerbated by the obscurity of the new President, known only to the few insiders of Argentine intelligence service, has served to characterize him as a clueless stand-in for General Lanuuse, strongman of the Junta which appointed him.
This, however, could not be further from the truth. Indeed, contrary to what anyone could have imagined, the Rightist spook General Levingston has embarked on a ballsy crusade, with radical leftist Intransigent-Radical surgeon Oscar Alende, as his only ally. Alone against the world - and the might of Lanusse's junta - the pair's only hope rests in the success of Alende's left-nationalist economic plan, and Levingston's power plays in the army - where he is outranked by Lanusse. This self-proclaimed "deepening of the revolution" while received with apathy, and even mockery, from a citizenry weary of years of military rule and boisterous discourse
Faced with such disinterest about their fate on the part of those they seek to protect, this last desperate charge of the nacionalistas against the approaching tsunami of military liberalism becomes not only strange, but nearly hopeless and by extension, romantic. Whether history will remember it as such, or merely as the tragicomic attempt of an intelligent but overambitious army officer out of his depth and a political fossil whose presidential credentials approach zero each passing day to upend the entire political establishment from Perón to Lanusse, remains to be seen. Either way, Levingston and his motley crew of ideologically diverse companions have little time until the curtain draws on the Argentine revolution. If it is to have a happy ending, now depends on them.
- The Friend Nobody Likes: Since Levingston is an obscure politician whose career is overshadowed by Lanusse's, he has few allies to support his junta over Argentina, aside from Oscar Alende.
- Visionary Villain: Levingston goes on a radical Argentine revolution to reestore the spirit of ideological nationalism, even if it goes against his own junta's interests.
Alejandri Agustín Lanusse
Role: Head of State (Levingston succession)
Party: Junta de Commandantesnote Junta of the Commanders
Ideology: Military Juntanote Despotism
In-Game Biography Click to Show Alejandro Lanusse is the prototype, albeit not the stereotype, of an Argentine military caudillo. Well connected, well educated, and with the ability to pretend he is neither one nor the other, this gruff nephew of perhaps the last caudillo to precede Perón - Agustín P. Justo - has come to represent the image of the army to many in Argentine society.
His debut in the world of Coup D'etats, in which he would be a professional player if it were a sport, was playing a major in the ill-fated Radical Unionist attempt to forestall Perón's 1951 inauguration, as a Captain. Imprisoned until 1956 over that attempt, Lanusse paid his liberator, General Lonardi, with betrayal by initiating the conspiracy that toppled him less than a month after his release. Subsequently playing a major role in shaping the rise of General Onganía from his prestigious position within the Cavalry, he was amongst those that pushed him to crush the Colorados in 1962.
Over the following years, Lanusse and Onganía were often identified as friends, but the later's government - which Lanusse did much to bring about - proved a disappointment, and so Lanusse once more betrayed and overthrew his benefactor - who had named him head of the army - hoping that a brief interlude by a far less relevant general would pave the way for his own election. His hopes were dashed once more, however, and eventually came to the conclusion that the least embarrassing option would be to take control of the government directly.
This, however, doesn't mean an end to his ambition to become President legally. Indeed, Lanusse has arrived at the seat of power with a vision for the future: The past. More specifically, his uncle's past. His plan is to recreate, as best as possible, the coalition of forces that formed the long-deceased Concordancia, and with them, to promote his own candidacy to beat Perón at his own game. This task, already daunting, has been further difficulted by the military's loss of prestige over the past few years. Nevertheless, Lanusse, and his minister of Interior, the prestigious UCRP congressman Arturo Mor Roig, will attempt it anyway. Indeed, they must, for Lanuuse knows that, with the ban on Peronism no longer sustainable, his free-election is now the only thing standing between Argentina and the return of the tyrant.
- Cincinnatus: After seizing power in Argentina through a coup, Lanusse promises to restore democratic elections at some later time, though observers predict that he'll try running in them as a possible candidate.
- The Coup: Lanusse installs himself as president by couping Levingston, if the political situation in Argentina becomes too chaotic.
