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Chōsen-cho
Official Name: Chōsen-choTr. Korea Government Office
Ruling Party: Chōsen-chō - Gyōtekenshōkainote Korea Government Office - Subcommittee for Administrative Procedure Review
Ideology: Colonial Governmentnote Despotism
Established in the 90s after the abolition of the Government-General, the Government Office is the administration of Chōsen, Japan's most prized colony. However, the colonial government struggles with corruption, a growing food crisis, and agitation from the ethnic Korean population. Will Japan's imperialization plans succeed, or will Korea be finally free from a century of oppression?
General Tropes
- Allohistorical Allusion:
- The Japanese-Korean Army, or Chōsen-gun, was a real unit in the Imperial Japanese Army
, which, in our timeline was abolished during the Second World War. In MTNO, since Japan won the war and still controls Korea, the Chōsen-gun still exists. It only differs from its OTL counterpart in that it was reshaped into an Askari force during the 1970s, whereas the real Chōsen-gun only began to accept Koreans into their ranks after the 1930s. - The Ibuki-Mitsui Scandal was loosely based on the real-life 1988 Recruit Scandal, in which Bunmei Ibuki was also involved.
- The Cholla Uprising was this timeline's direct equivalent of the Gwangju Uprising. Only in this timeline, Koreans fought for independence rather than democracy and the uprising managed to spread all over Southern Jeolla before it was put down by the Japanese.
- The Assimilator: The Japanese who rule over Korea have done everything in their power to Japanize the peninsula - everything from cities to provinces and even personal names are in Japanese. Even Korea itself is mostly referred to by its Japanese name; Chōsen.
- But Not Too Foreign: Applicable to both native Koreans and Japanese settlers.
- Despite being Japanized, the natives (Naejin/Neichijin) still maintain their identity, speaking Korean as a second language and keeping their culture alive behind closed doors, while having Japanese names and speaking Japanese as their first language.
- Despite being ethnically Japanese, the settlers/mainlanders (Naisenjin/Zaisenjin/Chaesŏnin) are culturally distinct from the Japanese who live in the home islands.
- Butt-Monkey: To say the last century has been terrible for Korea is an understatement. Not only was it victim to a brutal assimilation program by the Japanese, but it also faced a brief war in the 1980s, a period of ruthless military repression, and by MTNO's timeframe, it struggles with corruption and a backward administrative apparatus.
- Emergency Authority: In the path where the nationalists are elected and China falls into civil war, Japan enacts Government Ordinance No. 194, granting the colonial administration extraordinary powers to suppress dissent and keep the colony in order.
- The Famine: The COVID Recession and Japan's relative economic isolation leads to the Year of Suffering in Korea, where large-scale food shortages occur and some regions face the threat of famine, with the colonial government unable to do anything but distribute what emergency supplies it has and plead the Japanese government for any kind of aid they can provide.
- Foreign Ruling Class: Chōsen's politics and society are dominated by ethnic Japanese, with Koreans often excluded from high-ranking government positions or facing immense barriers in to the same place as their Japanese counterparts.
- Government Conspiracy: Bunmei Ibuki's bio implies that the Ibuki-Mitsui Scandal was engineered and carefully exposed by the Japanese government in tandem with Home Affairs bureaucrats to destroy the Ministry of Finance's monopoly of power over the Government Office.
- Head-in-the-Sand Management: When Die Turbulenzen causes a food crisis in Chōsen, the local colonial administration simply instructs its citizens to change their diets and wait for the crisis to go away.
- Irony: Koreans refer to their food crisis as the "Rice Crisis", not because of a lack of rice, but instead because of an abundance of rice and scarcity of other foods.
- Kangaroo Court: If Government Ordinance No. 194 is passed, the colonial authorities will bypass the Japanese judicial system entirely by deeming subversives to be national security threats and creating extraordinary courts to judge them in sham trials.
- Minor Crime Reveals Major Plot: When the Rice Crisis leads to an investigation into missing government funds, the police uncover a massive corruption scheme involving Commissioner Ibuki, the Ministry of Finance, the Mitsui Zaibatsu, and various public figures in Mainland Japan.
- Mistaken for Racist: The Colonial Government's reaction to the Rice Crisis comes off as incredibly offensive to Koreans, who are assumed to be content with eating nothing but rice.
- Police Brutality: The Japanese repress the 2017 protests violently, using riot police to disperse peaceful demonstrations that quickly escalate into violent riots. The audio in the superevent for the 2017 riots depicts a particularly messy and violent clash between the police and Korean nationalist demonstrators.
- Vast Bureaucracy: Chōsen is practically run by the Japanese civil service. The post of Commissioner is typically reserved for bureaucrats from the Ministry of Home Affairs, and different departments in Chōsen's Government Office are organized into opposing cliques with some type of connection to their parent Ministries in the home islands. Needless to say, this has made the colonial administration rather inefficient when it comes to actually getting things done.
Commissioners (2016-2021)
Bunmei Ibuki
Role: Commissioner of Chōsennote Head of State
Party: Chōsen-chō - Gyōtekenshōkainote Korea Government Office - Subcommittee for Administrative Procedure Review
Ideology: Colonial Governmentnote Despotism
Biography (Scandal revealed) Click to show With years of experience in the Ministry of Finance, Bunmei Ibuki was one of the politicians who shined in the early days of the Heisei Democracy. In the House of Representatives, he forged important alliances that landed him in various top government posts during the 2000s, one of which was Minister of Finance. By then, Ibuki was the de facto head of the Finance Bureaucrats, who reached the peak of their power around the same time as him.
In 2008, Ibuki was appointed Commissioner of Chōsen. The appointment was unusual - as, traditionally, such a post was reserved for Home Affairs bureaucrats. But this was all part of a clever gambit by Ibuki and his allies. Even after the abolishment of the Government-General, Chōsen always had tremendous importance. Holding a political monopoly over Japan's largest possession meant turning the influence of the Ministry of Finance into something concrete, a starting point from which Ibuki's dynasty could rise to the top.
For four decades, Ibuki took part in all sorts of skullduggery to get his way, from blackmail to bribery. He made many friends, and far more enemies than he could count. From the inside, dirty secrets were like a treasure chest for any who wished to bring him down. His crooked empire had grown too big to go unnoticed.
And a single slip is all it took to bring it down.
- Achilles' Heel: Despite being a skilled politician and an influential figure in Japanese politics, Ibuki is neglectful of his duties as Commissioner. This ends up coming back to bite him when the Rice Crisis reveals the mishandling of public funds in the colonial administration.
- Blackmail: Ibuki used blackmail as one of the methods to keep his foes quiet.
- Conspiracy Theorist: Ibuki believes his downfall was part of a carefully engineered conspiracy from his rivals, despite having no evidence to back it up.
- Corrupt Bureaucrat: As a bureaucrat and later administrator of Chōsen, Ibuki spent decades building connections and alliances with powerful figures to advance his political interests, often resorting to corrupt dealings and a fair share of embezzlement to get his way.
- The Friend Nobody Likes: The civil servants in Chōsen who don't belong to Ibuki's clique despise him, seeing him and the Finance bureaucrats as a bane to the administration. Likewise, Tōkyō also dislikes Ibuki for his grasp over Chōsen and its politics, fearing the prospect of allowing a man like Ibuki to gain so much power right in their backyard.
- Know When to Fold Them: Realizing the futility of trying to cling to power, Ibuki resigns from his post following the scandal, opting to face the consequences outside of public life.
- A Lighter Shade of Black: Despite being the Commissioner and on board with Japan's assimilation projects, Ibuki is rather lenient as far as Japanese administrators go. This is Subverted by the fact that Ibuki doesn't have any love for Koreans, and his leniency comes from a place of neglect rather than sympathy.
- Minor Major Character: Ibuki is irrelevant to the events in both Korea in Japan, but the scandal caused by him is a major catalyst to the shift in Japan's political atmosphere and, potentially, the events that come afterward.
- Red Baron: Ibuki is nicknamed "Ibu-King" due to his extensive influence over the Ministry of Finance.
- Skewed Priorities: Ibuki is more concerned with his "business dealings" and advancing the interests of his clique than addressing the problems facing Chōsen, with his position only being a means to an end.
Seishirō Etō
Role: Commissioner of Chōsennote Head of State (Ibuki succession)
Party: Chōsen-chō - Chōmonshōkainote Korea Government Office - Subcommittee for the Improvement of Korean Affairs
Ideology: Colonial Governmentnote Despotism
Biography Click to show Hailing from Zenranan-dō, Seishirō Etō is a “Naisenjin”, a descendant of Japanese settlers. As an adult, Seishirō earned a degree in political science from Keijō Imperial University and worked in the Government-General’s Administration Bureau for many years. When the Emergency Period ended, Tōkyō looked to reform the colonial governorates, particularly to wrestle Chōsen away from the hands of Mitsuru Edō, the infamous “Butcher of Kōshū”, whose grip over the colony was an enclave of IJA Rule. In 1992, the Sōtokufu was abolished, and the Government Office replaced it. The sweeping changes empowered the bureaucracy, and Etō, now a Diet member and subordinate to the Ministry of Home Affairs, became head of the Internal Affairs Department under Hitoshi Kimura, the first Commissioner.
As the crooks in the Ministry of Finance took over Chōsen, Etō and his allies formed the Chōmonshōkai, vying for influence among politicians, bureaucrats, and lobbyists. For long, the Ministry of Home Affairs wanted to take Chōsen away from the MOF, and naturally, Etō became their best gamble. A gamble that succeeded. As the fourth Commissioner of Chōsen, Etō has vowed to fight against corruption and further develop the colony.
But to Koreans, Seishirō is no better than the rest. He is a fierce colonialist, and his rise to power is a victory for Tōkyō’s grand assimilation project.
- Cincinnatus: If Japan loses the Fourth Sino-Japanese War and the Treaty of Taipei is signed, Etō will step down and organize a peaceful transfer of power to the natives.
- Evil Colonialist: Subverted. Etō is a proud colonialist who is willing to speed up the assimilation of the Korean peninsula, but this comes from a genuine belief that doing so would be positive for Koreans in the long term, making him misguided at best instead of outright evil.
- Internal Reformist: Etō despises the corruption that plagues Chōsen, and vows to root out Ibuki's influence while improving the colonial administration.
- Just Following Orders: If the nationalists are elected in Japan and Government Ordinance No. 194 is passed, Etō enforces it regardless of his personal qualms with it, becoming nothing short of obstructive to the natives until he is ordered to step down.
- Let No Crisis Go to Waste: When the Ibuki-Mitsui Scandal is revealed to the public, Etō and his clique waste no time in working to outmaneuver Ibuki's clique; and secure the colonial administration to themselves.
- Meet the New Boss: The Japanese government appoints Etō to the post of Commissioner after Ibuki's resignation. To the eyes of the Korean citizens who live under him, Etō is no better than his predecessor, still being complicit in Japan's colonization efforts.
Post-Treaty of Taipei (2021)
Chōsen Zantei Minseifu
Official Name: Chōsen Zantei MinseifuTr. Transitional Civil Administration of Korea, Chōsen HogokokuTr. Protectorate of Korea (Japanese Civil War avoided)
Ruling Party: Nitchō Tōchi Ikō Iinkai - Seiji Senkō Iinkainote Japan-Korean Administral Transition Committee - Political Selection Committee
Ideology: Interim Governmentnote Despotism
- Far East Asian Terrorists: Ultranationalist terrorist groups begin to terrorize Korea during the transitional administration, with a particular group called the "Volunteer Army Corps for the Defense of National Sovereignty" carrying out a mass shooting in one of the major cities.
- From Bad to Worse: If things were already terrible for Korea during the Fourth Sino-Japanese war, they become far worse during the transitional administration: the peninsula is polarized, the economy is in shambles, terrorists and insurgents run amock, and the Japanese government is unable to provide any sort of extensive aid thanks to the Treaty.
- With Us or Against Us: The political atmosphere in Korea rapidly degenerates into this after the Treaty of Taipei, with the peninsula split between Korean nationalists and Pro-Japanese advocates.
Political Selection Committee
Role: N/A
Party: Nitchō Tōchi Ikō Iinkai - Seiji Senkō Iinkainote Japan-Korean Administral Transition Committee - Political Selection Committee
Ideology: Interim Governmentnote Despotism
Biography Click to show The Political Selection Committee, or Seisenkai, is a body of eleven judges tasked with, as the name suggests, appointing Koreans to the JKATC. Individuals are given seats via an indirect election - the judges review an application, and hold a brief vote on whether the applicant is deserving of a position in the JKATC. The Seisenkai holds no power, but it chooses who does. The process of political selection is highly unusual for an organized polity, but considering Tōkyō's inability to meddle in the transition directly, and the unfeasibility of a democratic process; the Seisenkai’s existence is somewhat justified.
The main priority of the Seisenkai at the present moment is to fill the existing power vacuum, as the treaty has done away with Chōsen's administrative apparatus overnight. In the absence of enough native bureaucrats to fill government ranks, the Seisenkai has, controversially, appointed previous Japanese ministers and bureaucrats to their original posts. While it would be fair to assume the Japanese-appointed judges have Tōkyō's interests in mind after such a move, the Seisenkai has been fairly apolitical in its choices. Even controversial nationalists have gained seats after heated voting sessions. Of course, this also means that pro-Japanese personalities have easily made their way into the Committee. The motives of each judge are cryptic, and only god knows how this process will turn out.
- Short-Lived Leadership: While the Political Selection Committee is unable to exercise any executive powers, it's still the highest government body in Korea after the Treaty of Taipei, and is dissolved shortly after the initial appointments.
- Wild Card: No one is quite certain of what side the judges of the Political Selection Committee seem to be on. The only thing that is clear is that the judges aren't fully impartial, and have favored both sides to some degree in their appointments.
Susumu Ikeda
Korean name: Chi Manwǒn (Jee Man-won)
Role: President of the JKATCnote Head of State
Party: Nitchō Tōchi Ikō Iinkai - Chōjihokainote Japan-Korean Administral Transition Committee - Association for the Maintenance of Korean Self-Government
Ideology: Anocracynote Paternalism
Biography Click to show Susumu Ikeda, or Chi Manwon, is the archetypical Korean collaborator. And he is the worst of his kind: The one who does it for self-benefit. He joined the Chōsen-gun in 1967, and during the Great Asian War, his unit was attached to the Railways and Shipping Section of the IJA. While he saw no combat, he touted his status as a veteran from then on. Furthering his military career, Ikeda graduated from the IJA Academy just in time for the Cholla Uprising. Ikeda went where no one would to prove his loyalty to the Japanese. All he saw were maps and casualty reports... Cholla was just another victory to be had. Predictably, Ikeda was handsomely rewarded.
After retiring, Ikeda turned to business ventures, purchasing a newspaper company and writing on political issues. Life was good. But the tides of war would have it otherwise, and the change Ikeda feared for so long has finally come.
The Empire lies tattered, destroyed by internal foes and the Chinese bastards in the north. Patriots like Ikeda cannot allow Taipei to become Japan's Versailles. Having recently been appointed President of the JKATC, Ikeda has only one goal in mind: To bar the nationalists from gaining ground as much as he possibly can. His clique, the Chōjihokai, enjoys ample support from Tōkyō in their quest to do so.
Day after day, the nationalist scum retreat. And one day, their backs will be against the wall.
- Category Traitor: Despite being Korean, Ikeda proudly collaborates with the Japanese to an embarrassing extent. He actively looks down upon other Koreans with disdain and actively works to undo their progress.
- Control Freak: Ikeda takes pride in having served in the Imperial Japanese Army during the Great Asian War, and when he becomes President of the JKATC, he tries to appease his Japanese masters by working against the nationalists in the JKATC through whatever means possible.
- Fashionable Evil: Ikeda's portrait has him wearing a dapper-looking suit.
- Hate Sink: Ikeda is comically despicable, doing anything he can to stop his political foes while being unnecessarily cruel to those who live under his rule.
- My Country, Right or Wrong: Ikeda takes pride in being an "Imperial Citizen" of Japan, and sees it as his duty to stop the nationalists from making gains in the JKATC regardless of the methods he must use.
- Opportunistic Bastard: In his biography, Ikeda is said to have begun collaborating with the Japanese solely to advance his military career and enrich himself.
- Patriotic Fervor: Ikeda considers himself a Japanese nationalist first and a Korean second.
- The Quisling: Ikeda collaborates with the Japanese government in their attempts to bypass the Treaty and maintain Tōkyō's control over the Korean peninsula, leading the JKATC and favoring the Pro-Japanese faction within it.
- The Scapegoat: Ikeda blames the Chinese, the communists, and Korean nationalists for all of Japan's problems. At the same time, Korean nationalists blame Ikeda for the problems facing the Committee.
Korean War of Independence (Stage I)
Chōsen Treaty Government
Official Name: Chōsen Treaty Government, Chōsen Imperial Emergency Government (Kaneda)
Ruling Party: NTI Iinkai - Kazamidori
Ideology: Oligarchynote Paternalism
Susumu Ikeda
Korean Name: Jee Man-won
Role: President of the JKATCnote Head of State
Party: NTI Iinkai - Kazamidori, Unity Government (Post-war)
Ideology: Oligarchynote Paternalism, Corporatismnote Fascism (Post-war)
Leader of the Pro-Treaty Faction.
Kanshō Kaneda
Korean Name: Kim Wan-seop
Role: Prime Ministernote Head of State
Party: Chōsen Assimilation & Friendship Society, Imperial Emergency Administration (Post-war)
Ideology: Civilian Dictatorshipnote Despotism, Colonial Governmentnote Despotism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show The name "Kanshō Kaneda" has become almost synonymous with "traitor" on the lips of Korean nationalists. He was born in Gwangju as Kim Wan-seop, and took part in the Jeolla Uprising. Even before his capture by Japanese troops during the Battle for Gwangju, he had already fallen out with the Korean Liberation Council. Opposed to the treatment of Japanese settlers by Korean rebels, his experiences in Jeolla would mark his future ideology. Being spared by the Japanese and released from prison in the 90s, he became a fierce rival of Korean nationalists. His books about the "fascist gangs of Jeolla" as well as his heavy use of the internet to promote his ideas earned the attention of Japanese colonial authorities. He rose to stardom in the 2000s as a propagandist, beloved by his superiors in Tokyo.
But Kaneda was always a liberal at heart. And while he hesitated to rub shoulders with like-minded activists, he hoped that day would come when Japanese democracy would be brought to Korea's shores. But Instead, his dream was torn down by Chinese thieves. He could not stand for it. That path meant destruction and anarchy, and he could not let Chōsen fall to such fate. Rallying his allies in the Chōsen Assimilation & Friendship Society, he earned a seat in the council, and agitated against "Korean fascism". With the Empire in chaos, he led a putsch, annulling the treaty and dissolving the council. Now, Chosen's path can be set straight - for good.
Leader of the Anti-Treaty Faction.
Sakurako Takagi
Korean Name: Park Geun-hye
Role: Interim President of the JKATCnote Head of State
Party: Chōsen Reform Association, UCP - Centrists (Post-war)
Ideology: Interim Governmentnote Despotism, Controlled Democracynote Paternalism (Post-war)
Leader of "The Fence" Faction.
Akihiro Tsukiyama
Role: President of the Chōsen Business Federation, President of the JKATCnote Head of State
Party: Chōsen Business Federation, AdminCom - Keijō Arrangement (Post-war)
Ideology: Corporate Paternalismnote Paternalism
Biography Click to show To a man like Akihiro Tsukiyama, success is the only option. The Japanese-born child of Korean immigrants, he dropped out of Osaka University and left Japan for good, settling down in Keijō and working several part-time jobs. In 1965, at age 25, he founded the Taisaku Construction Company, and in the next decades, his genius would shine.
While the Yasuda Crisis and later the Oil Crisis were disasters for the Zaibatsus, they were blessings for the Keiretsus. Even during the hardships of the late 70s and 80s, Tsukiyama's Taisaku would compete against their main rival, Gendai, their clashes only becoming greater as both companies transformed into Zaibatsus. Even when Gendai was recognized among the fifteen largest conglomerates in all of Japan, Taisaku was never too far behind.
Yet, these "Chaebols" were limited to Chōsen. Mainland companies dominated markets in Japan and would always outcompete Koreans overseas. So, when Clause 28 turned Chōsen into a separate polity, the Korean business community saw a chance. Tsukiyama was elected President of the "Chosen Business Federation", earning a seat to represent the business community. With the council failing to organize a proper government, he was pushed onto the throne. While he regrets this predicament, he nevertheless must defeat the nationalists while balancing the needs of statehood with his and his allies' business interests. But can his brilliance extend to the difficult task of governance?
Leader of the Business Faction.
Preparatory Liberation Committee - Republic Of Korea
Official Name: Korean Provisional Government
Ruling Party: Kukka Chojong Wiwonhoenote National Coordination Committee
Ideology: Provisional Governmentnote Paternalism
Kim Kyongmin
Role: Head of State
Party: Kukka Chojong Wiwonhoenote National Coordination Committee
Ideology: Provisional Governmentnote Paternalism, National Liberalismnote Liberalism (Post-war)
Park Hyongchun
Role: Head of State
Party: People's Democratic Party
Ideology: Liberal Socialismnote Progressivism
Ri Ragyon
Role: Head of State
Party: National Enlightenment
Ideology: Liberal Conservatism
I Sangton
Role: Head of State
Party: Korea Freedom League
Ideology: Liberal Chauvinismnote Paternalism
Biography Click to show If history is only a matter of action and reaction, then I Sangton is the natural reaction to a century of Japanese occupation. His birthplace, Fuzan, was a symbol of Tokyo's colonial project, and Sangton grew up resenting his masters. To him, it was best to live free in exile than to be a slave in his own country. That is why, in 1977, he moved to the United States. Unlike other exiles, however, Sangton wasn't on the run. He arrived on a plane, not a refugee boat, and even had the luxury of visiting Korea at will. Some believed he was a spy. Yet, Sangton proved himself, and would soon be working with the KFL.
Established by Syngman Rhee in 1952, the Korean Freedom League was a child of Korean nationalism and Western neoconservatism. Sangton, whose views already aligned with theirs, was able to fit right in. After Ishihara classified the KPG (and by extension, the KFL) as a terrorist organization, Sangton became a vocal critic of Tokyo's actions. For this, his Japanese citizenship was revoked. But he was able to use the controversy to build up his reputation, and he rose from being an unknown member of the KFL to becoming their spokesperson.
When the power vacuum caused by the civil war brought the KPG to Kwangju, a handful of men in Washington promised to finance Sangton's campaign if he chose to participate in the KPG's elections. And he happily obliged. His "shocking victory" only proved what he knew: that Koreans have had enough. They want their nation cleansed, and, in times like this, he is perhaps the only man who can do it.
Hwang Kyoan
Post-war portrait 
Role: Chairman of the Provisional Assembly, Acting Presidentnote Head of State (Stage II)
Party: Pisangsat'ae Naegak
Ideology: Interim Governmentnote Despotism, Aristocratic Conservatismnote Despotism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show Hwang Kyoan, born Kyōya Harayama, was raised in Kokai-dō to a struggling family of eight. And he has gone from a blip in history to a man who carries the burden of bringing his nation into existence. After passing the bar exam in 1981, Hwang worked as a prosecutor during a tumultuous time; The Jeolla Uprising threatened to spill into Keijā, and the Residency-General Court unleashed a crackdown under the orders of Governor-General Mitsuru Edo. The extent of Hwang's involvement in these trials is a point of contention, but he would later defend the same people who were forsaken by the system. After the Emergency Period ended, reforms were introduced to Japan's judiciary, and Korean families came together to demand a fair trial for their imprisoned relatives. A series of trials were held in Keijō between 1991 to 1995, and Hwang was part of the prosecution. The success of the Keijō Trials propelled his career, and Hwang aimed to become a judge in Keijō's newly-established High Court. Then, Ishihara dissolved the High Courts, and Hwang's dream vanished with them. Outraged, he turned to the nationalists, secretly working with them.
After the Taegukgi was raised over Kwangju, Hwang was elected into the Provisional Assembly, and later elected Chairman by his comrades. And this blessing became an unexpected curse. The President and his VP are dead, and Hwang is expected to lead the KPG for the rest of the war. The situation may be dire, but Hwang won't be intimidated. He will fight, until every terrorist and Chinil traitor is wiped out.
Korean National People's Congress
Official Name: Korean National People's Committee
Ruling Party: Minjok Haebang Chonsonnote People's National Liberation Front
Ideology: Revolutionary Frontnote Socialism
Kwon Yonggil
Role: Provisional Chairmannote Head of State
Party: Minjok Haebang Chonsonnote People's National Liberation Front, People's Labor Party - Old Left (Post-war)
Ideology: Revolutionary Frontnote Socialism, Left-Wing Nationalismnote Socialism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show Who encapsulates the struggle of Koreans better than Kwon Yonggil? A Zainichi Korean, he was part of in the nascent student movement of the late 50s, being arrested in the crackdown following the "1959 Incident". As punishment, he'd be sent to Fukuoka to work on the Japan-Korea tunnel - a clear death sentence. Yet, he survived. He finished his six-year contract, and, having lived through the horrors seen in the construction of the Japan-Korea tunnel, he left the home islands with a fire in his heart.
Getting a job in the docks of Fuzan. he lead a strike in 1977 that nearly paralyzed Chōsen. The strike ended violently at the hands of the IJA, and Kwon was arrested. But he was hailed as a hero, later inspiring the people of Gwangju to revolt.
Forbidden from going back to Fuzan after his 1989 release, he and his family moved to Heijō. Turning to peaceful activism, he became a voice for workers' rights and national independence. Naturally, he was regarded as a danger by the Japanese right. So when Shintaro Ishihara was elected in 2017, Kwon was stripped of his citizenship and exiled to China. But he would return. And like his compatriots, he'd taste liberty for the first time.
Despite his age, Kwon was elected provisional chairman of the National People's Committee. But he holds little power, simply being a unifying figure for the nationalist left. And until elections are held to organize a proper government in the north, it's up to him to keep that fragile unity intact.
Sim Sangjong
Role: Head of State (Election)
Party: Korean People's Liberation Party (Progressive Left)
Ideology: Democratic Socialismnote Progressivism
Biography Click to show How can any true socialist speak of the struggle faced by men in the workplace, while ignoring their female comrades? Sim Sangjong has dedicated her whole life to labor, from the uprisings of the 1980s up to the years leading to liberation. Indeed, it's virtually impossible to analyze Korean trade unionism without bringing up Sangjong's role.
Born and raised in "Keijō", Sangjong would agitate against the IJA Regime in the 1980s through strikes. Like many trade unionists of the time, she became an annoyance to Japanese authorities who would imprison her for good in 1984. She would be released four years later in 1988, returning to her activities as the IJA Dictatorship weakened. She became a founding member of the CFTU, where she met people like No Hoech'an and Kwon Yonggil.
While her comrades remained still, caught up in the conservative interpretations of Minjung, Sangjung would incorporate New Left progressive causes into her ideology. Her advocacy of LGBT and women's rights turned her into the darling of Korean progressives, After all, if Minjung were to exclude the marginalized and disadvantaged, would it truly be sincere in its claims?
Imprisoned once again in 2017, she'd be released on the eve of liberation by the young men and women who looked up to her as their savior. While her comrades fell to dogmatic infighting, she and her party stood for their beliefs - and the people put their trust in her. With the torch of Minjung, she will enlighten the peninsula with the flame of liberty.
Im Sugyŏng
Role: Head of State (Election)
Party: Revolutionary Workers' Party (New Left Faction), Democratic United Front (Revolutionary Workers' Party) (Post-war)
Ideology: Marxism-Leninismnote Communism
Biography Click to show Unlike her colleagues, Im Sugyŏng has been Minjung's most radical spokesperson. A student leader in the 80s, Sugyŏng was drawn to far-left "National Liberation" advocates, who praised Kim Il-sung as a role model and looked to remove the Japanese through force. She carried on with her militancy through the 80s, clashing with authorities and witnessing the death of the Minjung movement, destroyed by dogma and infighting. This frustration led to her premature exit from politics, leaving Korea to travel around the world.
Settling down in Pyongyang in 2009, she would write for a left-wing newspaper for the next decade. There, she followed the rise of Fascism in Japan and the subsequent chaos, escaping to the USSR.
Briefly working as a propagandist for the CPK, she was purged along with other "Domestic leftists" as the exiles consolidated their grip over Hamgyong. Distraught, she returned to Pyongyang, only to find it embroiled in a revolution. Finally, she decided to act. Forming the RWPK, her party overshadowed the spineless social democrats and rallied the left under her banner. Unlike the dogmatists in Hamgyong, her party has so far been open and flexible - taking in progressive social causes and uplifting unorthodox positions to the average communist. To her, after all, the ends justify the means. So long as Korea can see itself free from imperialism and capitalism, it doesn't matter what must be done. For this noble cause, no cost is too great.
Yi Chaemyong
Role: Head of State (Election)
Party: Social Democratic Party (Developmental Wing)
Ideology: Authoritarian Developmentalismnote Paternalism
Biography Click to show Something is appealing in the prospect of social harmony. The idea that, even in this bleak world, a society can function not based on the dog-eat-dog nature of Darwinistic structures, but instead, on the common good for all of society.
That idea sparkled in the eyes of Yi Chaemyong. His life was filled with hardships - from the poverty and familial struggles seen during his childhood to his brutal teenage years as a factory worker in Fuzan. It was there, in that hellhole made to break a man's spirit, where young Yi turned his life around. With a dream to become a lawyer but unable to pursue higher education, he would teach himself law. He studied diligently, between shifts and on restless evenings. With the Minjung movement entering full steam in the 80s, he'd pursue labor law. After all, he grew up in the factory - it was his life.
Eventually, he developed an interest towards American history - from the Revolution up to Abe Lincoln's emancipation and, most importantly, FDR's New Deal. There, he gained a source of inspiration - the urge to see his homeland break free from Japan just as the Americans did so with the British. Over the next decades, he'd become a spokesperson for labor unions and independence activists - always in the shade. But here, in Pyongyang, his promises won the hearts of the people. While he holds that the lawlessness damaging the democratic order must be "dealt with extreme force", his plans are greater than the barking of dogmatists. Soon enough, that fact will be clear as day.
Son Hakkyu
Role: Head of State (Election)
Party: National Civic Alliance
Ideology: Christian Democracynote Liberal Conservatism
Kim Chinp'yo
Role: Head of State (Election)
Party: Christian Liberal Party
Ideology: Christian Conservatismnote Conservatism, Theocratic Democracynote Paternalism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show Kim Chinp'yo is, above all else, a man of god. Born in Kōkai Province, now Hwanghae, his parents later moved to Heijō in search of work. There, young Kim was exposed to Christianity, and it became part of him. Leaving university with an administration degree, he spent much of his secular life working as a petty bureaucrat for Japanese authorities. To him, that life was unimportant. Whenever his day at work ended, he'd pick up his bible and head to church. It was there, and only there, where things made sense.
Soon, Chinp'yo noticed signs that the devil was afoot. The explosive growth of Christianity in the peninsula would grind to a halt at the turn of the century. As it did, heretical voices waged a cultural war across the globe. Satan's minions had risen - and there were signs of armageddon. And it came - the ground shook, and, East Asia went to war once more. Through that carnage and destruction, the unshakeable authority of the Japanese crumbled. Someone had to step up - and Chinp'yo did so.
Owing to his career as a bureaucrat and his reputation in Pyongyang's religious circles, Chinp'yo was able to promote himself as a capable candidate, while mobilizing the Christian right under the newly-formed Christian Liberal Party. He showed the people of Pyongyang their foes. And the people said no, no to the tyranny of satanic commie-loving transgenderism, and yes to the Lord and his truths. God willing, he can save his compatriots too.
Chon Kwanghun
Role: Commander of the Salvation Squads, Minister of Social Affairs (Kim cabinet), Presidentnote Head of State (Chon's putsch)
Party: Salvation Government, KCF - Fundamentalists (Post-war)
Ideology: Evangelical Fundamentalismnote Fundamentalism
Biography Click to show Chon Kwanghun is known by many colorful words. Most of them involving something along the lines of "controversial" or "reactionary". But to a man like him, what purpose is there in life but to serve the lord, and to enact his will?
Born in a small town, Chon spent his adult life as a pastor. What made him remotely intriguing were his views and antics. From his questionable statements towards his female followers to calls for a Christian theocracy, his political career was built by controversy. He would break with the Association of Christian Churches in Chōsen in 2008 to form the National Christian Council later that year. The NCC grew into a hub for radical christian fundamentalists of his profile - who sought to "counter communist paganism" in Korean society.
While he later fled the country with his followers, he'd return to Korea, helping to form the Christian Liberal Party and mobilize the Christian right. And, in the chaotic political scene of the city, Chon would find himself secretly coordinating the CLP's paramilitary wing - the Kuwon Pundae; Salvation Squads. Thanks to his heavy handed efforts, he earned the post of Minister of Social Affairs in the new government. But Chon was not satisfied with his superiors. As the Kuwon Pundae grew in size and importance, so did his ambitions. When the time came, he ousted his allies in a coup. Now, he stands as a shepard who will lead his people to heaven.
No Hoech'an
Role: Head of State (Election)
Party: People's Labor Party
Ideology: Left-Wing Nationalismnote Socialism
I Paekyun
Role: General Secretary of the CFTU, Head of State (No assassinated)
Party: Revolutionary Interim Government, Socialist Workers' Party (Post-war)
Ideology: Syndicalismnote Socialism, Left-Libertarianism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show While the revolutionary zeal of Minjung and Gwangju were lost to many on the left, I Paekyun has sought to keep that flame alight.
Raised in Zennan (South Jeolla), his father had aided the Jeolla Uprising, but was never able to take up arms himself. With the Japanese prohibiting any kind of media surrounding the Uprising, Paekyun would instead rely on his father's recollections of those days - and, as he grew up, he was inspired by them. After being expelled from Keijō Imperial University, Paekyun would find work in a Mitsubishi Factory. There, he'd organize a strike for better working conditions, occupying the factory in the process. Surprisingly, Mitsubishi conceded to some of their demands. While it was a small victory, Paekyun would rise in stardom, later being elected General Secretary of the CFTU.
In 2017, outraged with the results of the Japanese elections, Paekyun would take part in increasingly radical measures; calling for a revolution and flaming the riots in Chōsen. Eventually, he'd cut his losses and flee the country with other activists. But that radicalism continued in his heart. Upon his arrival in Pyongyang, he aided in the formation of the SWP. A grassroots revolutionary party with a support base coming from workers, anti-fascists, and radical students, his election was marked by violence between his supporters and Ilminist paramilitaries. However, Paekyun is ready to deliver on his promise to build a democratic workers' state, free from the shackles of capital and colonialism.
Sŏ Chŏnggap
Role: Ch'ongt'ong of the KNRM, Generalissimonote Head of State (No assassinated)
Party: Korean National Rejuvenation Movement, KNP - Orthodox (Post-war)
Ideology: Ilminismnote Fascism
Biography Click to show Sŏ Chŏnggap is, among other things, the bane of the traitorous scum who inhabit Pyongyang. A veteran of the Great Asian War, it would be easy to dismiss him as a traitor. But Captain Sŏ has always been a patriot. Even after being dishonorably discharged from the Chōsen-gun,, he continued to agitate in his ceremonial uniform, insignias and ranks ripped off in protest. Were it not for the winds of history, he would've been remembered as nothing short of a man who's lost his glory, in a world that doesn't want him.
But after the Japanese tried and failed to expand their dying "Empire", Korea fell into a fierce liberation struggle. Chŏnggap became a popular figure among Pyongyang's militias, particularly those composed of former servicemen. Dissatisfied with the left-wing direction of the KNPC, he and his pupils formed the National Rejuvenation Movement. The organization rapidly grew, forming a paramilitary wing called Paegŭisa and taking in far-right intellectuals who realigned the movement towards An Hosang's Ilminist ideology.
Of course, the Generalissimo is a man of action first and foremost. What his movement makes up for in flexiblity it lacks in consistency. The NRM's many ideologues might fail to compromise, but they all have the same vision: A fatherland without the reds, the hwagyo, or Japan and their race traitors. The Generalissimo has already sent the reds on the run, and soon, the other rats will finally be exterminated.
Korean Central Revolutionary Government
Official Name: Korean Central Revolutionary Government
Ruling Party: CCIH - CK (Churyu)
Ideology: National Communismnote Communism
Chang Songt'aek
Role: Head of State
Party: CCIH - CK (Churyu)
Ideology: National Communismnote Communism, Kimilsungismnote Communism (Post-war)
Nam Yong
Role: Head of State
Party: Communist Party of Korea - Manchurian Faction
Ideology: Mao Zedong Thoughtnote Communism
Lee Cheol-man
Role: Head of State
Party: Communist Party of Korea - Bureaucratic Faction, Communist Party of Korea - Moderates (Post-war)
Ideology: Bolshevismnote Communism
Byun In-seon
Role: Head of State
Party: Communist Party of Korea - Military Faction, Communist Party of Korea - Byungjinnote Parallel Development (Post-war)
Ideology: Stratocratic Communismnote Communism
Korean War of Independence (Stage II)
CTG Breakaways
Keishōnan-dō
Official Name: Keishōnan-dōTr. Keishō Prefecture
Ruling Party: Nippon Shuken Mamorukai
Ideology: Corporatismnote Fascism
Manabu Matsuda
Role: Head of State
Party: Nippon Shuken Mamorukai
Ideology: Corporatismnote Fascism
Biography Click to show Manabu Matsuda has always craved two things: power and opportunities. Having worked for the Okura for decades, Matsuda was one of many civil servants who rose to prominence under Bunmei Ibuki. In those days, Matsuda was a simple careerist, disconnected from the bigger schemes in Keijō. Either his ambitions were purely political, or he knew how to keep his head low.
Matsuda's appointment as Provincial Governor of South Keishō Province came in 2015, after a brief stint in one of Keijō's ministries. While the entirety of the Ōkura's influence was wiped clean after the Ibuki-Mitsui Scandal, Matsuda survived. From that point on, he would set out to turn Keishōnan-dō into an enclave, in which he set out to build his influence in the ruins of the Ōkura's, feigning loyalty to Keijō while working with their foes. And as the mainland's politics changed, Matsuda became a key player in what was to come.
Matsuda found a close ally in the Prime Minister himself, which allowed him to expand his influence and grow bolder in his plans. But after the war, Matsuda was set to lose power to a local governor. A fate he, nor the Japanese populace of Fuzan, could accept. Joining hands with former rivals in the new Ministerial Clique, Matsuda led the separation of Fuzan as the JKATC fell apart. Now, he hopes to take back all of Chosen from the barbarians who threaten to tear his nation apart - by all means necessary.
Nanbu Gunsei
Official Name: Nanbu Gunsei
Ruling Party: Dai Rokujūnigun Shireibu
Ideology: Ultramilitarismnote Ultranationalism
Haruki Murata
Role: Head of State
Party: Dai Rokujūnigun Shireibu
Ideology: Ultramilitarismnote Ultranationalism, Stratocratic Corporatismnote National Socialism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show Once a right-wing student activist, Haruki Murata was one of many patriots who volunteered to join the Imperial Japanese Army during the Great Asian War. Unlike his peers, Murata wasn't prepared for military life. He smuggled vinyls of American rock songs and failed to carry out his chores, facing constant punishments. But he pushed through, and the war straightened him out. In the following years, Murata stayed in the IJA, choosing to make a career out of military life. After graduating from the IJA Academy in 1981, he was sent into the newly-formed 62nd Army, fighting against Korean insurgents during the 1980s.
While Murata's military performance was mediocre, he had a mind for politics. He became a quiet supporter of reactionary elements in Japanese politics. After said reactionaries brought Japan into a deadly war with China, Murata was conveniently promoted to command the 62nd Army, organizing counter-insurgency operations with the Chosen-gun. But as always, things continued to crumble around him. And the Treaty of Taipei was the last straw. When the chain of command collapsed during the Japanese Civil War, Murata became a concern to the Committee. After all, he had control over the IJA Forces left in Korea. His loyalty was fleeting, only bound by the threat of a common foe. But now, the JKATC is dead. Siding with the rogues in Fuzan, Murata will lead the 62nd into the mountains once again - this time, in a battle for victory or death.
Kōgen Yobigun
Official Name: Kōgen Yobigun
Ruling Party: Chōsengun Shireibunote Korean Army Headquarters
Ideology: Stratocracynote Paternalism
Yūsuke Kanei
Korean Name: Kim Yongu
Role: Head of State
Party: Chōsengun Shireibunote Korean Army Headquarters
Ideology: Stratocracynote Paternalism
Biography Click to show Yūsuke Kanei, or Kim Yongu, was born in Seishū, but raised in Kōshū. His military career began when he volunteered to join the Chosen-gun. Growing up in the Emergency Period, There weren't many choices for young Koreans like him. Yūsuke had no love for the Japanese, but he chose to serve them and live an easy life over struggling to make ends meet.
As he climbed up the chain, Yūsuke stood out from his colleagues. He was distant from politics despite being a careerist and was a natural leader, one who cared for the soldiers under his command. On top of that, Yūsuke remained loyal to his superiors no matter what. After the treaty was signed, Yūsuke was appointed to command the Chōsen-gun, having occupied the post of chief of staff in the past years. He worked with the JKATC to draft plans to reorganize the Chosen-gun, plans that were left dead in the water. Yūsuke soon found himself fighting in what was a civil war in all but name, leading the army against the rebellion. As always, he obeyed, even when the brutality of his peers made his stomach churn.
For long, Yūsuke questioned his values. But now, they are being tested. To the north, the communists threaten to overrun him. To the south, Murata's cowards demand his sword. And day after day, he questions the motives and capacity of his new superiors in the west. For the first time, Yūsuke has to act on his own. If not, he'll be devoured by wolves.
Uljin
Official Name: Uljin Republic
Ruling Party: Kukka Chohang
Ideology: Ultranationalism
Chong Huiwon
Role: Head of State
Party: Kukka Chohang
Ideology: Ultranationalism
KdN-Korea
Official Name: KdN-Friedenmission in KoreaTr. KdN-Peace Mission in Korea
Ruling Party: Oberkommando der Korea-Friedensmissionnote High Command of the Peace Mission in Korea
Ideology: Military Mandatenote Paternalism
Ingo Gerhartz
Role: Head of State
Party: Oberkommando der Korea-Friedensmissionnote High Command of the Peace Mission in Korea
Ideology: Military Mandatenote Paternalism
Leader of the KdN intervention in Korea.
Kyōsuke Ugawa
Korean Name: Chōng Kyōngt'aek
Role: President of the J-KATCnote Head of State (Post-war)
Party: Japan-Korean Administral Transition Committee - Preliminary Administration
Ideology: International Oversightnote Paternalism (Post-war)
Biography Click to show Kyōsuke Ugawa, or Chong Kyōngt'aek, was born to a family of collaborators. His father, Jun'taek, was a beneficiary of the Mitsubishi Zaibatsu, and had built up modest wealth through his mining operations in the Korean north. Yet, Kyōsuke wasn't interested in following in his father's footsteps. Instead, after graduating from the Keijo Imperial University, he would enter into public life as a civil servant.
At first, it wasn't easy. Back in those days, Koreans were given the lowest bureaucratic positions, while the top was reserved for Japanese businessmen, politicians, and servicemen. Yet, Kyōsuke worked hard - using his father's connections and a bit of his own dirty dealings. Against all odds, he became a minister for the Governorate-General in the 2010s. For most of his life, Kyōsuke believed Japan's colonization of Korea was beneficial. After all, he he was proof of it. A perfect "Imperial Citizen", an assimilated Korean who believed in Japan's "Asian Mission" and worked hard for the Empire. If all Koreans were like him, surely they'd be regarded as worthy.
Even after the Kd N intervened, the colonial order was preserved, and they needed men like Kyōsuke. Men who had years of experience to govern and were smart enough to know how to line their pockets. Men who are only there to profit off of false promises and save their hides from justice. Men like him will be the ones to rule Korea. And for now, the land of the morning calm drifts off to sleep...
KPG Breakaways
Sopaek
Official Name: Sopaek Mountain Base
Ruling Party: Oilp'al Hyongmyong Chojik
Ideology: Left-Wing Nationalismnote Socialism
Kang Ch'ol
Role: Head of State
Party: Oilp'al Hyongmyong Chojik
Ideology: Left-Wing Nationalismnote Socialism
Honam Mutiny
Official Name: Honam Mutiny
Ruling Party: Honamsong Kunjongbu
Ideology: Provisional Governmentnote Paternalism
I Pyongnok
Role: Head of State
Party: Honamsong Kunjongbu
Ideology: Provisional Governmentnote Paternalism
KNPC Breakaways
Taehan Tongnipkuk
Official Name: Taehan Tongnipkuk
Ruling Party: Hanminbomjik
Ideology: National Mysticismnote Ultranationalism
Ch'on'go
Role: Head of State
Party: Hanminbomjik
Ideology: National Mysticismnote Ultranationalism
Kwanso
Official Name: Kwanso Righteous Army
Ruling Party: Kwanso Uibyong - Tongmaengnote Kwanso Righteous Army
Ideology: Warlordismnote Despotism
Sin Ch'angwon
Role: Head of State
Party: Kwanso Uibyong - Tongmaengnote Kwanso Righteous Army
Ideology: Warlordismnote Despotism
Northern Security Zone
Official Name: Northern Security Zone
Ruling Party: Chibang Anbohoe
Ideology: Securocracynote Despotism
Won Sehun
Role: Head of State
Party: Chibang Anbohoe
Ideology: Securocracynote Despotism
KCRG Breakaways
C.N.P.
Official Name: Committee of the Northeastern Provinces
Ruling Party: Ch'inmun
Ideology: Provisional Governmentnote Paternalism
Mun Chaein
Role: Head of State
Party: Ch'inmun
Ideology: Provisional Governmentnote Paternalism
Tanch'on
Official Name: Tanch'on S.A.A.
Ruling Party: SY-96-TC
Ideology: Civilian Dictatorshipnote Despotism
Hwang Usok
Role: Head of State
Party: SY-96-TC
Ideology: Civilian Dictatorshipnote Despotism
Hamgyong P.R.
Official Name: Hamgyong People's Republic
Ruling Party: Chayu Pongsadan
Ideology: Insurgent Movementnote Despotism
Chu Hyon'gon
Role: Head of State
Party: Chayu Pongsadan
Ideology: Insurgent Movementnote Despotism
Hamgyong D.C.
Official Name: Hamgyong Defense Command
Ruling Party: Kukka Inmin'gun - Simhwajo
Ideology: Ultramilitarismnote Ultranationalism
Ri T'aesop
Role: Head of State
Party: Kukka Inmin'gun - Simhwajo
Ideology: Ultramilitarismnote Ultranationalism
Chongjin Government
Official Name: Chongjin Government
Ruling Party: Pisangjongbu - Riuidodang
Ideology: Interim Governmentnote Despotism
Ri Son'gwon
Role: Head of State
Party: Pisangjongbu - Riuidodang
Ideology: Interim Governmentnote Despotism
