Follow TV Tropes
OK yeah I found MCO P1300.8R and it was about as restricting as I expected.
Although honestly my bigger concern is getting my hair looking vaguely reg enough when I'm iffy about getting it cut for one costume.
Looks like the intended end-user for the Attack Helicopter Proposal has explicitly shown preference for the AH-1Z Viper. The 15th Strike Wing has also been somewhat familiar with the AH-1W Super Cobra through several military exercises with the US Marines through the years. If the Philippine government pushes through with Bell's offer, the initial batch of 5 new helicopters directly from Bell can be immediately augmented with a dozen used ones from the US Marines...
A JT commentary on regards to Taro Kono being in charge of JMOD:
Oct 17, 2019
PYEONGTAEK, SOUTH KOREA Ė When Prime Minister Shinzo Abe shifted Taro Kono from the foreign minister to defense minister billet in last monthís Cabinet reshuffle, he was attempting to limit the influence of a potential successor. Abe could not push Kono out altogether, but the operative assumption was that the Defense Ministry, institutionally the weakest of all ministries in the government, would be a place to keep Konoís influence in check. The issue for Abe is that this inadvertently put the defense minister position in uncharted waters.
Kono is unlike any defense minister Japan has ever had. His political strength, his high profile, his personal and professional background, and his independent thinking on policy, set him apart. For the first time, the Defense Ministry is headed by a prime minister-ready politician, and that will lead to a unique, possibly precedent-setting tenure for this defense chief.
Although Kono will be limited in just how far he can exercise the authority of his new position, his political aspirations means he will leverage his responsibilities in ways that increase his public support, will demonstrate strong leadership in fostering relationships with foreign militaries, and will likely test the boundaries of how far he can go in pursuing policy objectives that may differ from the prime ministerís personal defense agenda.
There are many things that set Kono apart from his predecessors. First is a unique resume. Although Kono never served as a vice minister of defense, he has long been an active member of the Liberal Democratic Partyís National Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee. He also served as the National Public Safety Commission chairman responsible for civil authorities in the event of a major national emergency. Most recently, Kono held the prominent role of foreign minister. While this means Kono may not be as intimately familiar with the inner workings of the Defense Ministry, it does mean that he has a better understanding of the rest of the national government.
Kono also has the highest profile of any defense minister ever. He comes from political lineage, with his father, Yohei Kono, being a one-time prime minister-hopeful. Kono has built his own contemporary brand on top of that legacy though, and he has 1.1 million Twitter followers to prove it. His social media following is second only to the prime minister himself.
Politically, Kono is the most influential politician ever to hold the defense minister billet. Never has there been a defense minister with as strong an LDP factional backing, and none have ever had all the elements in place to make it to Japanís highest office. Kono is a leading candidate for post-Abe leadership, and members of the government know this. That will influence how officials across the various ministries and agencies engage the new defense minister.
Finally, Kono is the best-equipped defense minister to handle foreign relationships. It is not simply his experience as foreign minister, but his English ability, his breadth of experience abroad and his comfort-level in international settings that will make him stand out in this position. Naturally, the relationship with Japanís main ally, the United States, will require Konoís attention, but as Japan seeks to expand relationships with Australia, India, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, France and others, Konoís strengths will come into play importantly and often.
The defense minister billet does have its limitations for Kono. Many of the most influential defense agenda items are already locked in for the next few years. The National Defense Program Guidelines were published in 2018, and there is not set to be an update to the Mid-Term Program Guidelines (Japanís five-year defense acquisition plan) until 2023. Further, most of Abeís policy achievements since 2012 have been in the realm of security, and Abe will be loathe to cede his influence.
Kono will have to work around these limitations to achieve what he requires from the position. If he hopes to keep pace with the other candidates for post-Abe leadership, Kono will need to maintain an active and positive image in the public eye. He will also need to have something meaningful to add to his credit as defense minister while avoiding anything that could tarnish his record. Finally, he will want to find a balance between toeing the Abe administration policy line while still making his own mark in what may only be a one-year stint in the position.
Kono has already started working toward those ends. Immediately after being assigned the post, he began arranging a visit to Okinawa Prefecture, home to some of the most politically contentious items in the ministerís portfolio. Although Kono is well aware that he has little hope of resolving base-hosting issues in Okinawa, he is astute enough to know that failure to give it the attention it deserves can be damning.
As such, Kono is likely to stay the course on Okinawa. This means he will shepherd policies already in place and quickly address any crises that arise while eschewing the role of ďsaviorĒ for problems that have frustrated policymakers for decades.
Kono has also been an active presence in disaster relief. Less than four days after being named defense minister, Kono was on the ground in Chiba to survey damage from Typhoon Faxai. The day before Typhoon Hagibis was set to make landfall in Japan, Kono held a well-advertised pre-emergency response meeting with his ministryís leadership, while his predecessors typically did not convene emergency meetings until after disasters struck. This personal attention and level of readiness will win him public support and elevate perceptions of his leadership capability, even though it will likely put Kono at odds with the prime minister, who has enjoyed the spotlight as Japanís crisis response leader.
True to form, Kono has also been busy engaging with foreign counterparts. This includes office calls, phone conversations and other meetings with representatives from partner countries. In many ways, his engagement schedule still resembles what it did when he was foreign minister. For a Japanese security establishment that has been looking to expand its relationships abroad, Kono will look to lead that effort.
Another notable move that Kono made this week that will not get media attention but is nevertheless important: his picks for special advisers to the defense minister include Tomohito Shinoda, Toshihiro Nakayama and Koji Murata. All three are well-respected policy thinkers in the academic and political communities, but like Kono they are unlike their predecessors.
Previously, special advisers have mostly been retired bureaucrats (typically, the outgoing administrative vice defense minister) or retired Self-Defense Forces officers (usually the outgoing chairman of the Joint Staff). Now you have three advisers, all well-versed in international affairs, who will be offering advice on much more strategic issues than simply the inner workings of the ministry or the SDF. In that way, it represents a signal that Konoís view of his role as defense minister is pushing Japanese strategic implementation outward rather than focusing on internal policy processes.
All this has important implications for the Defense Ministry. Konoís presence will no doubt raise the ministryís profile in the government and in the public eye. His political influence will help bolster defense initiatives in the normal bureaucratic jockeying that takes place over budget and policy priority. Also, while public trust in the SDF now routinely ranks higher than any other government official, there still remains a long-standing debate over the Defense Ministry and Japanís role in security both at home and abroad. With such a high-profile politician leading the way, it is an opportunity to present a different view of the ministryís priorities and efforts.
Konoís appointment will also cause an adjustment in the manner in which Japanís defense bureaucrats engage their minister. With a prime minister-hopeful at the helm, many officials will be looking at the long game and wondering how strongly they can push back against someone who may soon hold the highest office in the land. Fortunately, many senior government officials are already familiar with Kono through their briefings of LDP committee meetings and through interactions over the past two years while Kono was foreign minister, so the adjustment period should be relatively brief.
For Abe, Konoís appointment is a double-edged sword. The better Kono does as defense minister, the more it boosts Abeís Cabinet approval ratings. However, that also lifts Konoís standing when Abe will likely be grooming another successor for the prime ministerís office. Konoís popularity and penchant for leading from the front also steals the spotlight from Abe, who has positioned himself as the face of stability amid crisis. This will likely lead to tension between Kono and Abe, and that push and pull will continue to play out as long as Kono remains in the defense minister billet.
Whatever questions may remain, there is one conclusion that is without doubt: Kono represents a different kind of defense minister. Only time will tell what that means in terms of concrete changes to Japanís security landscape, but the next year promises to be an in
Deadbeat: Female hair is easy for the Marines. Tuck in your bangs and make a bun no bigger than your head is wide and your pretty much done. You can have your bangs out as long as they don't block your line of sight in any way.
Here is a good example.
Edited by TuefelHundenIV on Oct 19th 2019 at 9:05:59 AM
OK, I can do that easily enough when I can find my bobby pins.
And it might not actually be a Marine costume now after the eBay seller sent me the wrong patches so I'm not committed to that now.
I only learned a few weeks back that RTOs are definitely still around and so are backpack radios (the AN/PRC-119 SINCGARS and all).
Although there's some officers and platoon/squad leaders who don't do dedicated RTOs and just hump around with their satellite radio and phone and MBITR and walkie-talkie and SINCGARS radio set all in their pack. Apparently those guys are usually part of the Stryker platoons.
Edited by TheWildWestPyro on Oct 20th 2019 at 5:58:02 AM
As a former ADA soldier - I was an RTO for years before I went into PATRIOT.
Infantry officers are a different breed, most officers know how to use a radio but maintaining it is the job of the E-4 or E-5 in the platoon.
Most enlisted soldiers in Air Defense who are on a crew know how to fill a SINCGARS due to having to use it.
We've found the wrecks of the Akagi and Kaga.
I had already reported Kaga over in Navy, nice to see her sister has been found with her.
Syrian Kurds pelted an American military convoy with rocks and held signs denouncing the American government as liars and cowards. Meanwhile, ISIS is out and about having a field day.
In Afghanistan, the Taliban have agreed to the American withdrawal while conceding absolutely nothing in exchange.
Edited by TheWildWestPyro on Oct 21st 2019 at 12:22:12 PM
Aparently there have been multiple different incident with Kurds and vacating American troops, some troops have been pelted with fruits and rocks, while others have been waved out with signs saying ďthanks US people, but Trump betrayed usĒ.
At least some people realise that the troops didnít get a choice when it comes to abandoning the Kurds. Any word yet on the troops/special forces of other nations?
Wish I could remember where I read it, but it seems the French are also pulling out. Unless you were asking if they too were being pelted with refuse, in which case I have no idea.
The Kurds understand why the US is pulling out. We always said that we were there only to fight ISUS, and now ISUS was almost defeated. Everyone involved knew that the end was coming. The shocking thing was how it was done—without warning and by twitter.
We left them to be massacred by the Turks because Erdogan asked Trump to, not because ISIS was almost defeated.
And now so much of our work has been undone.
They aren't getting massacred. A lot of the Kurds aren't even evacuating, preferring to stay in the regions and keep it "Kurdish" rather than let Erdogan bring in millions of Arab refugees and change the demographic nature of the territory. This is at the request of the Kurdish authorities. They know that the Turks are unlikely to commit atrocities against unarmed civilians, even Kurdish ones.
That's not to say this isnt a tragedy or course, or that Trump wasn't incompetent when he (failed) to plain for this. The right way to do it would have been to sit down with the Turks and Kurds (separately) and come up with a detailed plan for transferring authority for some of the region to the Turks, while leaving other parts in Kurdish hands. Too late now.
Edited by DeMarquis on Oct 22nd 2019 at 8:12:29 AM
The hell are you talking about? The Turks are already shelling civilian areas and defying the ceasefire.
They deliberately fired on Americans to keep us from intervening and killed French operators.
In what world would the Turks not harm civilians? That's the entire reason they entered the territory in the first place.
Edited by LeGarcon on Oct 22nd 2019 at 8:11:07 AM
The Turkish military proper might not commit massacres, but they will look the other way when their allied militias do so.
Yes, civilians are getting killed, that happens in any armed conflict. That's mostly the result of indiscriminate shelling. But I have seen no reports that the Turks are executing anyone, rounding people up or deliberately targeting civilian populations. The most recent figures that I have seen (in an article dated 10/20/19) indicates that there have been 120 civilian casualties, out of the hundreds of thousands of people who live there (the true number is probably higher, due to the difficulties of reporting, but so far I am not seeing reports of mass killing). This is a tragedy, and it was unnecessary, but it isn't a disaster.
My prediction is that Kurds will continue to be a dominant ethnic group in that area, and that an anti-Turkish insurgency is even now being organized.
Weíre getting active reports of war crimes, so I donít know why youíre excusing the Turks.
Also ISIS just regained a large number of fighters, because the Turks let them out, so so much for ISIS being defeated.
Edited by Silasw on Oct 23rd 2019 at 9:58:36 AM
Surprise surprise. Turns out a proxy force made up of a motley collection of hoodlums and at times even militant Salafis are willing to commit the odd war crime here and there. One group of proxies wiping out another. It's almost as if attempting to topple a sovereign state by arming every disaffected miscreant within its borders eventually leads to egg on one's face. Orange Man Bad.
What proxy force are you talking about?
These are uniformed Turkish military who sprung them.
It was a reference to the circumstances in general. Not to predictable allegations of the dastardly Turk supposedly springing ISIS prisoners free.
Turkey has been vital to the US led attempt at obliterating Syria. Keeping borders porous to flood the area with arms, fighters etc. Many of the fine chaps currently shooting PKK affiliates were definitely useful to the US not too long ago.
Interventionists should really be grateful. I don't know how long the foreign backed rebellion against Assad could have lasted without the Sultan's aid. He just wants his pound of flesh. This was bound to happen at some point.
You've got no posting history and made a beeline for this thread to start posting bad Erdogan apologia that runs directly against reputable reports from the ground on the situation there. You even called him Sultan.
Something seems suspicious here.
Edited by LeGarcon on Oct 24th 2019 at 4:11:39 AM
The first post didnít give that away?
Thereís a reason I hollared then chose not to engage. I ainít no billy goat.
Edited by Silasw on Oct 24th 2019 at 8:18:53 AM
The Eternal Devlet is everywhere.
Community Showcase More
How well does it match the trope?