Useful Notes: Canadian Politics

“If you put on too much weight? C’est la faute du fédéral!note 
If you have a large prostate? C’est la faute du fédéral!”
Bowser and Blue

“It shall be lawful for the Queen, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate and House of Commons, to make Laws for the Peace, Order, and good Government of Canada…”
—Article 91, British North America Act (later the Constitution Act) of 1867.

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy within a constitutional monarchy. The head of state is the sovereign, currently Queen Elizabeth II, and the head of government is the Prime Minister, currently Justin Trudeau. Any citizen at least 18 years old may vote in any election, with two exceptions: the Chief and Deputy Chief Electoral Officers.

A side effect of this system is a close similarity to the political systems of Britain, Ireland, Australia and India.

The Regime

The federal government consists of the House of Commons, the Senate, the Governor General, the Supreme Court and other lesser courts, and the usual assortment of bureaucrats, soldiers, and the like.

  • The House of Commons of Canada has 338 members,note  all elected to represent districts known as “ridings” for a variable term not to exceed five years (in practice, it’s usually four for a majority government and two for a minority), with no limit on how often they may be re-elected. The size of this body varies, and in practice increases size every decade after each census. Since the Canadian government is much more centralized (in certain areas) compared to their American counterparts, the House of Commons is responsible for passing laws relating to the postal service, the census, the military, navigation and shipping, fishing, currency, banking, weights and measures, bankruptcy, copyrights, patents, First Nations, and naturalization. Only education, provincial officers, municipal government, charitable institutions, and a few other strictly local or private avenues are at the jurisdiction of the local and provincial legislatures.
    • Thirty new ridings were added for the 2015 election. These ridings are located largely in Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia to balance a shifting population. Many of the old ridings were redrawn for the same reason.
  • The Canadian Senate has 105 members, all appointed — though in one case, the appointed Senator was chosen in a special election by the province he representsnote  — and serving until age 75 (they were previously in for life; this was changed in 1965). The Senate has generally rubber-stamped legislation from the House of Commons for decades and is not allowed to introduce financial legislation. Technically, the Senate is the place for “sober second thought”, where the mobbish tendencies of democracy can be curbed and where legislation can be considered away from public pressure. The Senate can suggest changes to the bills, or delay a bill until it expires on the table, but it has almost never defeated one outright. The Senate, following a bit from its American counterpart, also allows for some regional representation, where the number of senators from each province is much more equalized.
    In practice, the Senate is often useful to Prime Ministers as a means of rewarding cronies, getting troublesome allies out of the way, and keeping their own mark on Parliament long after they have lost election or left politics themselves. More recently, due to public concerns over patronage as well as occasional scandals over fraud and improper expense claims, there have been calls to reform or even abolish the Senate. The Liberals have generally supported the status quo, a wide swath of the New Democratic Party wants to abolish it altogether, and the Conservatives historically supported an elected Senate.
  • The Governor-General of Canada, currently David Johnston, is the representative of the Sovereign, appointed in theory by the Sovereign and in practice by the Prime Minister, and has a mammoth assortment of powers, ranging from the ability to dissolve Parliament, appoint Senators, Supreme Court Justices, all high-ranking bureaucrats, and the Prime Minister and Cabinet, though they must keep the approval of the House of Commons. He is also Commander-in-Chief of the Canadian military. However, these powers are bound by a large amount of unwritten convention, and are almost never used except on instruction from the Prime Minister — the last time they were, in 1926, the resulting “King-Byng Affair” resulted in a massive public outcry that ended in the re-election of Prime Minister William L.M. King, who had been rejected by Governor-General Lord Byng. The Governor-General is, in theory, supposed to be chosen by the Sovereign from a list of candidates chosen by the Prime Minister. For quite some time now, the Prime Minister’s list of Governor-General’s appointees has been exactly one name long.
    • An event in which the GG can become useful is if the Prime Minister starts to show signs of getting dictatorial, at which point the Governor General, as representative of the Sovereign, can deny Royal Assent to bills that violate fundamental liberties. If need be, as the Governor-General is the Commander-in-Chief, they can order the army to depose the PM by force.
      • This is taken directly from the Westminster System used by the British Parliament and Monarchy which serves as the basis for all Commonwealth Countries. Basically, they’re meant to keep each other in line.
  • The Supreme Court of Canada comprises nine justices, appointed for unfixed terms, though required to retire at age 75. Three are from Quebec, the other six from the rest of Canada, because Quebec law is structured differently than the English-derived systems. By convention, three of the other six are from Ontario, two from the West, and one from the Atlantic Provinces.

The Prime Minister is the head of the Canadian government for all intents and purposes; you must be chosen as your party’s leader on top of being an elected representative, in a manner strikingly similar to the Speaker of the House in American politics. Due to the nature of the Westminster-style parliament, Canada’s executive branch is purely ceremonial, so the usual executive powers are devolved to the office of the Prime Minister. Canadians do not vote for the Prime Minister directly, however; instead, they vote for the Member of Parliament in their riding only. The party with the most seats in the House of Commons forms a majority government (when they control more than half the seats) or a minority government (when they control less than half, but still more than any other party), and the Prime Minister is then appointed by the party itself.note 

In practice, Canadians know what candidate a party will nominate for Prime Minister during the election cycle: by so-far-unbroken convention, it is the party leader. In the readily possible event that the Prime Minister loses his/her riding, a junior member of the party will typically resign his/her seat for the party leader to win in a by-election, as the Prime Minister must have a seat to serve in the government. This happened as early as the 1870s, after John A. Macdonald’s Conservative government collapsed over the Canadian Pacific Railway scandal (see below) and he lost his own seat in Kingston, Ontario. From 1878 to 1882, he represented the riding of Victoria in British Columbia, since he couldn’t get elected in the part of the country he came from.

Federal responsibilities include foreign affairs, defence, justice,note  agriculture, Indian affairs, administration of the territories (to an extent), governing interactions between the provinces, and providing equalization, essentially welfare payments to poorer provinces. The federal government also oversees a pile of agencies, such as Canada Post, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP)note  and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.

Canada is divided into ten provinces — from east to west: Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island (‘P.E.I.’), New Brunswick, Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia (‘B.C.’) — and three territories: Nunavut, the Northwest Territories, and the Yukon. Territories differ from provinces in that the power of a territory is conferred by the federal government with an Act of Parliament in the name of the Sovereign like all other legislation, while the power of a province is granted directly from the Sovereign by the province’s constitution. Thus each province is a sovereign constitutional monarchy — to wit, an independent kingdom — that, in terms of constitutional theory, has voluntarily surrendered a substantial chunk of its sovereignty to a different sovereign constitutional monarchy that rules over it in certain matters. That the monarch of each of these eleven (ten provincial, one federal) monarchies is exactly the same person is of no consequence. The territories, on the other hand, are administered directly by the federal government in the name of the Crown of Canada. In other words, it’s exactly like the difference between a U.S. state and a U.S. territory, except for the obvious difference that the United States, being a republic, doesn’t have a Sovereign to confer legitimacy, and relies on ‘the people’ instead.

Each province elects a Legislative Assembly, whose members are normally named Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs), though Ontario calls them Members of Provincial Parliament (MPPs), Quebec calls them Members of the National Assembly (MNAs), and Newfoundland calls them Members of the House of Legislature (MHLs). All provinces and the Yukon use a similar election system as the federal House of Commons does, though generally the ridings are different. The leader of the party with the most members generally becomes the Premier, though there are occasional exceptions when two smaller parties form a coalition to create a majority — this happened in Ontario in 1985, when the Ontario New Democratic Party made a formal agreement with the Liberal minority government. The Northwest Territories and Nunavut operate using a nonpartisan consensus government model, unique to the territories: the premier and speaker are then chosen from the elected MLAs, who are all officially independent of political parties. This is similar theoretically to the U.S. state of Nebraska’s non-executive legislature and most municipalities in Canada. This nonpartisan model is supposedly based on the traditions of the Inuit and other peoples indigenous to the territories. MLAs in Nunavut and the NWT may be affiliated with federal parties privately, however, and should they pursue federal politics, align with a federal party; at present, the two territories are represented by Liberal, New Democratic and Conservative politicians in the House and Senate. Each province’s representative of the Sovereign is appointed on recommendation from the Governor-General; in a province this officeholder is called the Lieutenant-Governor, and in a territory, the name is Commissioner.

Provincial responsibilities include transportation, health, education, and administration of justice. Also, in practice, whining about unfair treatment from the federal government is a major responsibility of Premiers.

A large range of functions, such as immigration, pension plans, and employment insurance are under hybrid jurisdiction — essentially, the federal government sets up a framework, and provinces have the choice to either let the feds run the program, or run it themselves. Most provinces leave such things to the federal government, with Quebec as a notable exception, running among other things their own pension plan and their own immigration agency complete with international offices in French-speaking countries.

One of the most interesting comparisons between the Canadian and U.S. political systems is in seeing how they have evolved since their founding. The American Founding Fathers conferred all powers not explicitly provided to the federal government to the states, leading to what was in theory a decentralized country. When The American Civil War broke out, many British North American observers blamed the conflict on America’s decentralized political structure. The Fathers of Confederation thus made sure that the new Dominion of Canada would have a much more centralized system, and even gave the federal government the power to explicitly disallow provincial legislation. Many of the English-speaking Fathers even wanted a “legislative union” which would simply fuse all of the colonies into one larger one, erasing all the colonial borders in the process. However, the French-speaking Fathers of Lower Canada (which would become Quebec) were adamantly opposed to this because they would become a mere minority,note  and so Confederation became a federal system, albeit a strongly centralized one.

However, while the Canadian government had more power on paper, various factors ranging from court decisions to simple constitutional convention (the unwritten expectations of how the system works) meant that the Canadian provinces gained much stronger control over their constitutional areas of responsibility, even as the federal government’s powers to disallow provincial legislation have pretty much fallen into disuse. In the U.S., on the other hand, the federal government has encroached on traditionally state-controlled areas, mainly through an expansive reading of the Commerce Clause. That doesn’t fly north of the border. The U.S. has been more decentralized on paper but it has become more centralized over time, while Canada has gone in the opposite direction. More recently, Canada instituted a major regulatory overhaul in 2012 which mandates that the issuance of any new regulation that places a significant administrative burden on business must be accompanied by the elimination of at least one existing regulation of that type. So far, the U.S. has yet to institute such a reform.

Municipal politics are pretty much the same all over: the people of each town, city or regional municipality elect a mayor and around some number of councillors, ranging from a handful in small towns to 44 in Toronto depending on population. While party politics tend to be absent from smaller towns, bigger cities like Vancouver and Montreal tend to have parties, though they are generally unrelated to the provincial and federal parties.

Municipal governments are responsible for things like utilities, zoning, and making sure developments go through the proper channels.

Because of the multiparty system, where the party with the most votes may not have a majority, minority governments have occurred several times at both provincial and federal levels. Three of the last five federal elections have resulted in minority governments.

Canada also has a very short election cycle, which can, in theory, occur at any time. Elections must occur on the third Monday in October in the fourth calendar year after the previous poll. In addition, a vote of non-confidencenote  can force an election, and the Prime Minister can ask the Governor General to dissolve the government at any time — it is expected, but not legally required, that the Prime Minister will wait at least six months since the last election. Once government is dissolved, the election cycle normally lasts five to six weeks, during which candidates campaign and stump for votes.

A variation of the normal election cycle almost occurred in December 2008, when the Liberals, NDP and Bloc Québécois drew up a formal agreement to topple the Prime Minister and the ruling Conservatives in a non-confidence vote (the previous October’s election had resulted in a minority government with the Liberals, NDP and Bloc together outnumbering the Conservatives) and then to request that the Governor-General install them as a majority coalition government, all without triggering a general election. While such an act is perfectly legitimate in a parliamentary democracy, the Conservatives launched a media blitz characterizing the act as a “coup d’état,” banking on the (correct) assumption that many Canadians did not know how their own Parliament actually works, and killed the idea when the Liberals backed down. The fact that the Liberals had just had substantial losses in the preceding election but would be leading the coalition nonetheless also made the idea troubling to some Canadians, as did the fact that the coalition would require the support of separatists in the form of the Bloc Québécois. A new variation has been added for the 2015 election: while Parliament could still be dissolved at any point, the election date was fixed on October 19, meaning the campaign could last anywhere from the standard 36–40 days to multiple months. Indeed, the latter scenario came to pass when the election was called on August 2, resulting in a record (sort-of)note  campaign length of 78 days.

Since English and French are both official languages, any federal government service may be received in either language. In practice, it’s typically more complicated than that. Suffice it to say that Francophone service is readily available only in Quebec, most of New Brunswick, Winnipeg, eastern and northern Ontario, and a few other locations, while Anglophone service is readily available almost everywhere but rural Quebec.


In federal politics, the three major parties are the moderate/right-wing Conservatives (‘Tories’), the moderate Liberals (‘Grits’), and the left-wing/social democratic New Democratic Party (‘NDP’ or ‘Dippers’). Historically, the Liberals and Conservatives have been the two major parties and the only ones to govern, although both have suffered periods of electoral collapse (the Conservatives from the mid-1990s to mid-2000s; the Liberals from the mid-2000s until 2015). The NDP was until recently a perpetual third/fourth party, but has been an important force in Canadian politics, propping up minority Liberal governments in 1972–74 and 2006 and frequently raising policy concerns that were taken forward by Liberal governments. The Green Party, while still small compared to the big three, is increasing in visibility and mainstream support and won its first seat in the 2011 election. There are many other smaller parties (Marijuana Party, Communist Party, etc.), and a few frivolous yet funny ones (most prominently the Rhinoceros Party).

Other parties have also had a major impact in the past. The Reform Party (later the Canadian Alliance), a conservative party with support in the western provinces, did well from 1993 to 2000 before merging with the Progressive Conservatives to form the current Conservative Party. A similar phenomenon happened in the 1960s to the 1980s with the Social Credit Party and the 1920s to the 1930s with the Progressive Party. The Bloc Québécois, a Quebec-separatist party with a very slightly left-leaning orientation overall, was the dominant party in Quebec and a significant force in Parliament from 1993 to 2011, but lost its party status and all but four seats in the 2011 election. They made a modest comeback in 2015, winning ten seats, which was still not enough to return them to official party status.

A thing of note for American readers: as a rule, the Canadian political ‘centre’ (as used to describe parties here) is to the left of the American center. Canadian conservatives might be right-leaning “Blue Dog Democrats” or moderate “Rockefeller Republicans” in the USA, while the Liberals’ politics are closer to those of the left wing of the Democrats (e.g. Nancy Pelosi). The NDP are to the left of anything mainstream in the USA; a few prominent names on the American version of the ‘extreme left’, such as Bernie Sanders or Dennis Kucinich, would probably be considered moderate progressives within the NDP. American-style social conservatism is conversely regarded as a fringe view, with the conservative politicians focusing on fiscal issues. Indeed, this was a bone of contention for some of Prime Minister Harper’s own, more moralistic, backbenchers.

The Liberal Party has had a truly remarkable run in Canadian politics: in the last century, the Liberals have spent more time governing Canada than the Communists have governing Russia, and they were in charge for 80 of 110 years between 1896 and 2006; small wonder that the Liberals are sometimes referred to as ‘Canada’s natural governing party.’ It didn’t hurt that the Liberals have frequently stolen the most popular ideas from the platforms of the various third parties and then taken credit for them, such as the postwar welfare state originally proposed by the NDP or the drastic spending cuts of the 1990s advocated by the Reform Party. These policies were implemented by Liberal governments, but the third parties played no small part in getting the ball rolling for them.note 

The 2011 election saw an historic shakeup in Canadian politics, and how enduring it will be remains to be seen. The NDP, largely by gaining major support in Quebec — where they had never before been a contender — gained a third of the seats in the House of Commons and became the Official Opposition for the first time in their history. This development was also responsible for the demise of the Bloc Québécois, who fell from dominance in Quebec to only four seats, not enough to qualify them as an official party. The Liberals, for the first time in their history, fell to third-party status. The Conservatives, for the first time since 1988, were elected to a majority government. Finally, the Green Party won its first-ever seat in Parliament, with its leader Elizabeth May being elected in a BC riding. This polarized Canadian politics to an unprecedented degree, as the NDP is further to the proverbial left than the Liberals on most issues, and the current Reform-derived Conservatives are further right than the Progressive Conservative Party that preceded them.

As if that wasn’t enough drama for one year, New Democratic leader Jack Layton, whose popularity played a significant role in the NDP’s newfound success, died of cancer a few months following the election. Nycole Turmel was appointed the interim party leader, and Thomas Mulcair was elected as the new leader in April 2012. Since the NDP has never previously held Official Opposition status, the leadership race faced greater scrutiny than ever before, primarily due to the fact that the NDP could plausibly be selecting an individual who may become the country’s next Prime Minister.

However 2015 had another shift. After the longest election campaign since the 19th century, of 78 days, which may seem quaint to other countries, the balance of power shifted. In a stunning electoral win, the Liberal Party of Canada gained 184 seats from 34, a feat unprecedented in Canadian history, making Justin Trudeau Prime Minister, having won several seats in every province as well as sweeping the Atlantic Provinces and all three territories. The Conservatives were reduced to 99 seats with several influential ministers losing their seats. Finally, the NDP dropped to a mere 45 seats, losing to the Liberals several of what they considered very safe seats.

As of this point:
  • In what may be the largest upset in the nations political history, the Liberals went from a wreck of a party to the undisputed rulers, rising from a paltry 34 seats to a shocking 184. In the beginning, the Liberals started out in third place in the polls and they stayed there for quite a while as Conservative attack ads attempted to portray Justin Trudeau as being too inexperienced to make proper decisions. The ads had their intended result for the first month of the election cycle, but following televised debates that proved that Trudeau could handle himself, support for the Liberals picked up steam. By the time October rolled around, the Liberals had a solid lead in the polls, though few expected that it would translate into a majority government. At his swearing-in, he made headlines by appointing a gender-equal cabinet (15 men and 15 women). When asked why, he said simply, “Because it’s 2015”.
  • The Conservatives have settled into a fairly comfortable Opposition state, winning 99 seats. The Conservative campaign train did not roll smoothly even from the start. Mired in various controversies and scandals, the Tories found it increasingly hard to communicate their intended message and engage with voters across the country. The Tories were seen to be relying excessively on fear, uncertainty, and doubt, much to the disgust of many Canadians. Several unpopular bills that were labelled as blatantly biased against Muslims or “security theater” were passed, even during the election cycle. Following his loss, Stephen Harper graciously accepted defeat and resigned as party leader, though he pledged to stay on as an MP in his Calgary riding.
  • The NDP, once favored to rise high into the political scene and stay there, was devastated at least as much as the Conservatives from the Liberal sweep in what is being called the Orange Crash. At the outset they performed strongly due to not being directly under fire from Conservative attack ads, as well as being seen to be a more fiscally prudent alternative to the Conservatives, important in a flagging economy. However, near the midpoint of the election, the NDP fell to waning support in Quebec over the infamous niqab issue, as well as many voters in the “Anyone But Conservatives” bloc preferring to vote for the Liberals instead.
  • The Bloc Québécois did a bit better than in 2011, but with a twist. While they managed to secure ten seats (up from four), party leader Gilles Duceppe notably did not win back his own seat, instead losing it to the local NDP candidate. He has since announced his resignation from politics.
  • Pretty much nothing has happened to the Green Party in the election, with Elizabeth May continuing to fill the Greens’ single seat.

Provincial politics tends to also have the Conservatives, Liberals, and NDP as the primary parties, though there are exceptions — the Conservative Party of Saskatchewan imploded in corruption scandals and was replaced by the Saskatchewan Party, the BC Liberal Party is in practice a merger between the Liberals and Conservatives in opposition to the powerful BC NDP, the most recent provincial election in Alberta has seen the rise of the conservative Wild Rose party to counter the leftward shift of the provincial Progressive Conservatives, and Quebec politics is just plain weird.note  The NDP does frequently win in provincial elections, especially in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and B.C. Alberta is also an interesting case — having been a province since 1905, they have experienced only three changes of government, one during the Depression, one after popular premier Ernest Manning (father of Reform Party founder Preston Manning) resigned and whose successor had only a fraction of his political skills and the latest being because of the introduction of an unpopular budget that resulted in the shocking election of a NDP majority government. From 1971 to 2015, a string of PC leaders won a majority in every election, to the point where Alberta was routinely considered a one-party state, and it was only half a joke.note 

The result of the above is that although parties can have the same name at federal and provincial levels, often that’s all they have in common. Canadians, in general, are well aware of this so nobody blinks when, say, a former NDP Premier of Ontario like Bob Rae can make a serious run at leadership of the federal Liberal Party; the former (and last) head of the federal Progressive Conservatives, Jean Charest, can become the Liberal Premier of Québec; or the former NDP Premier of British Columbia, Ujjal Dosanjh, can also switch parties to become a federal Liberal cabinet minister.

Municipal politics tends to be officially nonpartisan, except in British Columbia and in Montreal, Quebec. However, individual councillors and mayors are often known to have particular partisan leanings — for example, Jack Layton, former leader of the federal NDP, was a member of the Toronto City Council before he won the leadership.

One significant difference when it comes to individual politicians compared to the United States is that there is no equivalent in Canadian constitutional law to the “natural-born citizen” requirement for President and Vice-President, and in general Parliament (and some of the provincial legislatures) will have a higher number of naturalized immigrants than jurisdictions in the United States. As of February 2010, there were more Muslims sitting in Parliament (all of them foreign-born, including one who was a veteran combat pilot in the Pakistani Air Force) than had ever been in Congress, as well as 15 Sikhs, most of them immigrants as well. Four prime ministers (including the first, John A. Macdonald, and most recently John Turner, PM for less than three months in 1984note ) were born outside Canada, albeit all in the United Kingdom. The previous two Governors-General (Adrienne Clarkson and Michaëlle Jean) were also immigrants (from China — well, Hong Kongnote  — and Haiti, respectively). As well, following the 2015 election, five ministers are immigrants to Canada, including the first Sikh to command a regiment in the Canadian Forces (who is a major Badass).

Of note is the fact that a practising Muslim, Naheed Nenshi, was elected Mayor of Calgary in October 2010, a first in Canadian cities and only the second in North America (after Mohammed Hameeduddin of Teaneck, New Jersey). This is of particular significance as Calgary is located in southern Alberta, which is generally considered to be one of the most conservative parts of Canada.


Besides the usual sorts of issues that surface in most countries’ elections (the economy, taxes, foreign trade, defence, foreign affairs, et al.), healthcare and ‘national unity’ are major issues in Canadian elections. Canada has a national healthcare system that is considered excellent but underfunded by the populace (and starting to show it in the form of long waiting times for certain procedures); figuring out how to pay for it is always a major point in any party’s platform.

The half-ton gorilla in recent Canadian politics has been ‘national unity’. A minority of Quebecers want Quebec to leave Canada and become an independent country, while many non-separatist Quebecers believe in Quebec having rights to greater autonomy. There have been two referenda on independence, in 1980 and 1995, the first of which was defeated with 60% of the vote, and the second of which was defeated with 50.6% of the vote.note  The Parti Québécois keeps threatening to call another one, though it hasn’t had another majority since 1995 with which to try.note  The other federal parties take various positions on how to respond to this, which frequently involve special concessions for Quebec.

The environment has also become a hot topic in recent years. The Green Party has put environmental regulations at the center of their platforms, the NDP and Liberals also support reforms, and the Conservatives are more cautious, but still interested in, at minimum, seeming like they care. The Conservatives’ environment platform was effectively ‘We’ll Just See What the U.S. Does’, and the U.S. doesn’t seem to be doing much of anything, Canada won’t be doing much of anything with regards to the environment for the time being. It remains to be seen what the more explicitly pro-environment Liberal government will do on that file. In the meantime, the provinces are generally content to sit and bitch at each other about who gets what money. This has been described as “exactly like the European Union, just with more land”.


What, you think Canadians are polite and honest all the time? In one of the earliest national scandals, back in 1873, John A. Macdonald was accused of taking bribes in relation to the funding of the Canadian Pacific Railway.

Two of the more recent scandals are the “sponsorship scandal,” where large sums of money earmarked for national-unity advertising programs in Quebec were used improperly (read: given away to friends of the then-ruling Liberal Party), and the “Airbus affair,” wherein then-Prime Minister Brian Mulroney stands accused of taking hundreds of thousands of dollars from a German arms dealer as kickbacks on the purchase of Airbus jets for Air Canada, which the government owned at the time.

Sex scandals are rarer than in the States. Despite stereotypes that Canadian politicians are better behaved in this respect, it is just more probable that the Canadian media are less likely to report on it and/or the Canadian populace less inclined to care. Two notable exceptions are the Gerda Munsinger case, which embarrassed the federal government of John Diefenbaker and prompted the resignation of a federal Cabinet minister, and the Colin Thatcher case, which centered around a former minister in the Saskatchewan provincial government who was arrested and convicted of the murder of his wife JoAnn after she divorced him for his numerous extramarital affairs.

Two more recent cases of what could be described as ‘sex scandals’ have happened within the past few years. One involved the very public 2005 breakup of two prominent Conservative MPs, Belinda Stronach and Peter MacKay, who had been dating, when Stronach defected to the Liberals for a Cabinet post — which she lost the next year after the Liberals lost an election — leading to a stunned-looking MacKay standing on his farm talking about how “at least my dog is loyal”, and a narrow aversion of an election in the now evenly-divided House (since the government can’t fall on a tie, and Stronach’s defection got them up to parity). It also led to a massive variety of ribald jokes at Stronach’s expense from prominent Conservatives, the most notable of which is then-Alberta Premier Ralph Klein's assertion that “She didn’t have a Conservative bone in her body … okay, maybe one,” many of which naturally proved controversial in their own right. The other involved the then-Minister of Foreign Affairs dating a woman with connections to a chapter of the Hell’s Angels and actually leaving important classified documents lying around her apartment followed by their mysterious disappearance, in a classic Real Life case of ‘Too Dumb to Be Prime Minister’.

In February 2010, Conservative cabinet minister (for the status of women!) Helena Guergis was accused of throwing a hissy fit at the Charlottetown airport, located in Canada’s smallest province, P.E.I. The minister allegedly threw shoes across the security screening area and banged on a security door. When media and the Liberals asked for the security tapes, CATSA (the Canadian Air Transport Security Authority) could not provide them (many suspect Conservative meddling).

Prime Minister Harper stood by her for a while (in the face of public information), then rumours began to rise that Guergis had been letting her husband, a former cabinet minister, use her office to promote his business. Apparently some photos surfaced of the two in a shady strip club with cocaine and, reportedly, “busty hookers”. Guergis was then expelled from cabinet by Harper, not to mention expelled from the Conservative Party caucus, and an RCMP investigation was launched (all thanks to private information). Even after the RCMP cleared Guergis of wrongdoing, she continued to sit as an independent MP, though she lost her seat to the Conservative challenger in the subsequent election. This led to the joke that Harper now always stands behind his cabinet members because it’s easier to push them under a bus from that position.

The more recent ‘robocall’ scandal had its roots in the 2011 federal election. It came to light that someone was sending automated ‘robocalls’ (and, in some cases, targeted live calls) to non-Conservative or ex-Conservative voters in a number of different ridings, falsely directing them to incorrect polling stations or otherwise harassing them into not voting at all. Elections Canada got wind of these incidents via complaints from the public, and since the scandal broke they have accumulated over 31,000 reports of similar calls from across Canada. In the most high-profile case, in the riding of Guelph in Ontario, Elections Canada has traced at least some of the calls to a subsidiary of an automated calling company in Edmonton, which in turn was contacted both by the Guelph Conservative campaign as well as a disposable mobile phone registered under the alias “Pierre Poutine” of “Separatist Street” in Joliette, Quebec. (The “Pierre Poutine” name was likely taken off of an independent food caterer in Guelph, while the “Separatist Street” location was probably a crude attempt at a Take That to the Quebec independence movement.) In another riding where voter suppression tactics have been alleged (Nipissing–Timiskaming), the Conservative won by just eighteen votes, and this was far from the only close riding across the country, potentially making the difference between a majority and minority government.

The opposition NDP and Liberals rather predictably reacted with outrage, while the Conservatives naturally denied any responsibility, though a low-ranking Conservative staffer from the Guelph campaign has since resigned his position at the office of a Toronto-area MP. Spinoff allegations have included voter registration fraud as well as illegal campaign financing. Federal opinion polls have registered minimal (if any) impact as a result of the ‘robocall scandal’; a federal judge offered the Tories a not-quite-absolution in April 2013.

On the municipal level, in May 2013, reporters from the Toronto Star and gossip website Gawker reported that they had viewed and been offered a video showing Toronto Mayor Rob Ford smoking crack cocaine and making homophobic slurs. Though Ford had a well-documented history of mild to belligerent public intoxication, he denied and evaded questions for several months — until, in October 2013, the Toronto police reported that they had recovered a deleted copy of what appears to be that same video from a hard drive seized in an anti-drug raid. Ford then changed his story and admitted to “probably” having used crack cocaine in the midst of a “drunken stupor,” while blaming the media for not asking the right questions (which they had, and he had ignored) and claiming to not be an addict. With Ford and several of his associates and assistants now under police investigation, Toronto City Council banded together to strip him of most of his powers (at least those which they could remove under provincial laws) along with his staff and budget, and shift them to the deputy mayor. Rob Ford has since responded by playing the victim of a “coup d'état” while proudly going on to contest the 2014 municipal election. Not long after losing most of his mayoral powers, another crack video surfaced, this time with screenshots, forcing Mayor Ford to enter rehab. He continued to run for Mayor upon leaving rehab, but a recent hospital visit has revealed an abdominal tumor. Mayor Ford withdrew from the mayoral race, opting to run for his old Ward 2 seat. Rob’s brother Doug (the current Ward 2 councillor) submitted his papers to run for mayor with one hour to spare before the nomination deadline. In the end, John Tory became the new mayor of Canada’s largest city.