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!!!'''Adjectives, Adverbs, and Adpositions'''
Adjectives describe a noun. These words are a simple matter in English. Many languages have adjectives that inflect to 'agree' with the noun. In most European languages, if the noun is plural, the adjective also has to take a plural form. In languages that have gender marking, adjectives usually inflect for the noun's gender too. Some even inflect for the noun's case.

Adverbs describe anything but a noun. The rules with these are usually quite simple. The most important thing to note is that most languages have a way to convert adjectives to adverbs. English adds -ly, while French adds -ment, though there are other adverbs that are not formed this way. German, on the other hand, often allows adjectives to also be used as an adverb.

Adpositions are words that describe relation between nouns. These tend to be used more often with languages that do not have extensive case systems. For instance, while Latin had five cases for each noun, prepositions such as "cum," "ad," "ab," and "in" filled semantic roles that could not be filled by the case system. In fact, prepositions could mean different things for different cases: while "ad astra" (accusative) means "to the stars," "ad astrīs" (ablative) means "in the stars." While Hindustani only has two true cases, nominative and oblique, its postpositions function essentially as case markers. "Ne" marks the ergative case, "ko" marks the accusative and dative, "kaa" marks the genitive case, "ken" and "par" mark two different locatives, and so on.

It is worth noting that while English adjectives, adverbs, and adpositions are prepositive (before the noun), some languages prefer postpositions. Adjectives in the Romance languages are postpositive with prepositive adverbs, and adpositions in Turkish are postpositive.



The ''subjunctive'' revolves around what ''could'' or ''might'' be--hypothetical or uncertain actions. This is the most common irrealis mood by far, and sees high usage in Indo-European languages. In English this often is used in "that" clauses (e.g. "He wants that I stop") or set phrases (e.g. "If I were you"), but sees more use in Romance languages, Germanic languages, Iranic languages, and more. It often is used to replace an infinitive[[note]]often the dictionary form of a verb if it has it; "to X" in English[[/note]] if it does not agree with the original subject, but in languages such as Arabic and Modern Greek it replaces the infinitive altogether.

''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives'' revolve around what ''should'' be. Imperatives in English use the bare form of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should''--or a past subjunctive. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives.

to:

The ''subjunctive'' revolves ''Epistemic'' moods revolve around what ''could'' or ''might'' be--hypothetical or uncertain actions. This is Moods like this include the most common irrealis mood by far, and ''subjunctive'', which sees high usage in Indo-European languages.languages, and the ''potential'', found in Uralic languages and Japanese. In English this often is used in "that" clauses (e.g. "He wants that I stop") or set phrases (e.g. "If I were you"), but sees more use in Romance languages, Germanic languages, Iranic languages, and more. It often is used to replace an infinitive[[note]]often the dictionary form of a verb if it has it; "to X" in English[[/note]] if it does not agree with the original subject, but in languages such as Arabic and Modern Greek it replaces the infinitive altogether.

''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives''
altogether.

''Deontic'' moods
revolve around what ''should'' be.be, and include ''imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives''. Imperatives in English use the bare form of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should''--or a past subjunctive. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives.



In many languages, the irrealis moods often are conjugated in one or two categories, most often subjunctive and imperative; the jussive and optative often may manifest as usages of the subjunctive, for instance, if they aren't there to begin with. In Spanish "Viva la revolución," the subjunctive form of "vivir" is used in an optative sense: it literally means "May the revolution live," or more idiomatically "Long live the revolution." In addition, irrealis moods often take fewer tenses than the realis moods. Portuguese, for instance, distinguishes five tenses in the present and three in the subjunctive.

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In many languages, the irrealis moods often are conjugated in one or two categories, most often the imperative and, if there is a specific irrealis, subjunctive and imperative; the or conditional. The jussive and optative often may manifest as usages of the subjunctive, subjunctive and/or imperative, for instance, if they aren't there to begin with. In Spanish "Viva la revolución," the subjunctive form of "vivir" is used in an optative sense: it literally means "May the revolution live," or more idiomatically "Long live the revolution." In addition, irrealis moods often take fewer tenses than the realis moods. Portuguese, for instance, distinguishes five tenses in the present and three in the subjunctive.
subjunctive.

[[AC:Evidentiality]]

Although rarer than the other three forms, some languages mark ''evidentiality''--that is, what evidence one has for a thing that happened, happens, or will happen. This can be seen in the direct-inferential past dichotomy in Turkish, but can often be seen in a trichotomy in Quechua between direct evidence, inference, and mere heresay. Romance languages also have this in a sense, using the conditional mood instead of the indicative present to mark inference, while Hindi has a distinctive presumptive mood to say something along the lines of "this might be."



!!!'''Adjectives, Adverbs, and Adpositions'''
Adjectives describe a noun. These words are a simple matter in English. Many languages have adjectives that inflect to 'agree' with the noun. In most European languages, if the noun is plural, the adjective also has to take a plural form. In languages that have gender marking, adjectives usually inflect for the noun's gender too. Some even inflect for the noun's case. However, in some languages like Persian they are more similar to a genitive--for example, "red apple" in Persian would be similar to "apple of red." In other languages, adjectives can be filled by the function of verbs. This is the case in many Native American languages, such as Lakota, which does not have a word for "blue" as an adjective--rather, it has a verb for "to be blue," which is inflected in one order to mark a state of being. Sometimes a language may have both--think of the participles mentioned earlier.

Adverbs describe anything but a noun. The rules with these are usually quite simple. The most important thing to note is that most languages have a way to convert adjectives to adverbs. English adds -ly, while French adds -ment, though there are other adverbs that are not formed this way. German, on the other hand, often allows adjectives to also be used as an adverb.

Adpositions are words that describe relation between nouns. These tend to be used more often with languages that do not have extensive case systems. For instance, while Latin had five cases for each noun, prepositions such as "cum," "ad," "ab," and "in" filled semantic roles that could not be filled by the case system. In fact, prepositions could mean different things for different cases: while "ad astra" (accusative) means "to the stars," "ad astrīs" (ablative) means "in the stars." While Hindustani only has two true cases, nominative and oblique, its postpositions function essentially as case markers. "Ne" marks the ergative case, "ko" marks the accusative and dative, "kaa" marks the genitive case, "ken" and "par" mark two different locatives, and so on.

It is worth noting that while English adjectives, adverbs, and adpositions are prepositive (before the noun), some languages prefer postpositions. Adjectives in the Romance languages are postpositive with prepositive adverbs, and adpositions in Turkish are postpositive.



* '''Nominative-accusative'''. A and E are marked the same (nominative), P is marked differently (accusative).
* '''Ergative-absolutive'''. P and E are marked the same (absolutive), A is marked differently (ergative).
* '''Transitive-intransitive'''. A and P are marked the same (transitive), E is marked differently (intransitive).
* '''Tripartite'''. A (agent), E (experiencer), and P (patient) are all marked differently.
* '''Split-ergative'''. Appears as ergative-absolutive sometimes, nominative-accusative in others, typically dependent upon the tense of the verb.
* '''Austronesian''' (''a.k.a.'' '''Philippine''' or '''direct-inverse'''). Nouns take either a "direct" marking if they're the subject or an "indirect" marking if they aren't, and the verb tells you what role the noun plays.

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* '''Nominative-accusative'''. A and E are marked the same (nominative), P is marked differently (accusative).
(accusative). Think English.
* '''Ergative-absolutive'''. P and E are marked the same (absolutive), A is marked differently (ergative).
(ergative). Think Basque.
* '''Transitive-intransitive'''. A and P are marked the same (transitive), E is marked differently (intransitive).
(intransitive). Very rare--think Rushani.
* '''Tripartite'''. A (agent), E (experiencer), and P (patient) are all marked differently.
differently. Think Na'vi.
* '''Split-ergative'''. Appears as ergative-absolutive sometimes, nominative-accusative in others, typically dependent upon the tense of the verb.
verb. Think Hindi.
* '''Austronesian''' (''a.k.a.'' '''Philippine''' or '''direct-inverse'''). Nouns take either a "direct" marking if they're the subject or an "indirect" marking if they aren't, and the verb tells you what role the noun plays. Think Tagalog.



** ''Split-S'', where the role is a quirk of the particular verb in question.
** ''Fluid-S'', where you can use either, but there is a difference in connotation depending on whether the noun is marked for the A or E role.

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** ''Split-S'', where the role is a quirk of the particular verb in question.
question. Think Guaraní.
** ''Fluid-S'', where you can use either, but there is a difference in connotation depending on whether the noun is marked for the A or E role. Think Crow.






The morphological typology of a language determines how many words are inflected. It's best to imagine it as a triangle; in one corner, there are isolating languages (Chinese dialects, Hawaiian, most Southeast Asian languages, etc.), which have very few inflections, instead opting for word order and determiners; in another corner, there are agglutinating languages (Japanese, Nahuatl, Turkish, etc.), which have a one to one ratio of morphemes and their meaning (e.g. one affix for case and one for number); and in the third corner, there are fusional languages (Romance languages, Germanic languages, Semitic languages, etc.) which use one morpheme to refer to multiple meanings (e.g. one affix for both case and number). No natural language is 100% isolating, agglutinating or fusional; analytic Mandarin Chinese has an agglutinating plural pronoun (''wǒ'' "I" but ''wǒmen'' "we") and agglutinative Turkish pronouns show some fusion (''ben'' "I" and ''biz'' "we" but ''o'' "he/she/it" and ''onlar'' "they"). English used to be a fusional language but has largely become analytic aside from a few inflections and cases.

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The morphological typology of a language determines how many words are inflected. It's best to imagine it as a triangle; in one corner, there are isolating languages (Chinese dialects, Hawaiian, most Southeast Asian languages, etc.), which have very few inflections, instead opting for word order and determiners; in determiners.

In
another corner, there are agglutinating languages (Japanese, Nahuatl, Turkish, etc.), which have a one to one ratio of morphemes and their meaning (e.g. one affix for case and one for number); and number)

And
in the third corner, there are fusional languages (Romance languages, Germanic languages, Semitic languages, etc.) which use one morpheme to refer to multiple meanings (e.g. one affix for both case and number). number).

No natural language is 100% isolating, agglutinating or fusional; analytic Mandarin Chinese has an agglutinating plural pronoun (''wǒ'' "I" but ''wǒmen'' "we") and agglutinative Turkish pronouns show some fusion (''ben'' "I" and ''biz'' "we" but ''o'' "he/she/it" and ''onlar'' "they"). English used to be a fusional language but has largely become analytic aside from a few inflections and cases.cases.

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Adpositions are words that describe relation between nouns. These tend to be used more often with languages that do not have extensive case systems. For instance, while Latin had five cases for each noun, prepositions such as "cum," "ad," "ab," and "in" filled semantic roles that could not be filled by the case system. In fact, prepositions could mean different things for different cases: while "ad astra" (accusative) means "to the stars," "ad astrīs" (ablative) means "in the stars." While Hindustani only has two true cases, nominative and oblique, its postpositions function essentially as case markers. "Ne" marks the ergative case, "ko" marks the accusative and dative, "kaa" marks the genitive case, "ken" and "par" mark two different locatives, and so forth.

to:

Adpositions are words that describe relation between nouns. These tend to be used more often with languages that do not have extensive case systems. For instance, while Latin had five cases for each noun, prepositions such as "cum," "ad," "ab," and "in" filled semantic roles that could not be filled by the case system. In fact, prepositions could mean different things for different cases: while "ad astra" (accusative) means "to the stars," "ad astrīs" (ablative) means "in the stars." While Hindustani only has two true cases, nominative and oblique, its postpositions function essentially as case markers. "Ne" marks the ergative case, "ko" marks the accusative and dative, "kaa" marks the genitive case, "ken" and "par" mark two different locatives, and so forth.
on.



A realistic conlang is likely to have some differences with the tenses compared to English. English has two manners of expressing the present, distinguished by ''aspect''; where "I stop" signifies completion, "I am stopping" signifies incompletion. The former is ''perfective'' and the latter is ''imperfective''. English subdivides this aspect further in the past, where you could say "I was stopping" (''progressive'' or ''continuous'') or "I used to stop" (''habitual''). Few languages use progressive tenses in the present as often as English, and many have none at all. German, for instance, completely lacks aspect, while Hindustani distinguishes perfective, continuous, and habitual in the present ''and'' past. Some Mayan languages even lack tense altogether, instead opting to simply using imperfective and perfective aspect for telling stories[[note]]this is not as complicated as you might think; compare "I stopped when he said" vs. "I was stopping when he said"[[/note]].

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A realistic conlang is likely to have some differences with the tenses compared to English. English has two manners of expressing the present, distinguished by ''aspect''; where "I stop" signifies completion, "I am stopping" signifies incompletion. The former is ''perfective'' and the latter is ''imperfective''. English subdivides this aspect further in the past, where you could say "I was stopping" (''progressive'' or ''continuous'') or "I used to stop" (''habitual''). Few languages use progressive tenses in the present as often as English, and many have none at all. German, for instance, completely lacks aspect, while Hindustani distinguishes perfective, continuous, and habitual in the present ''and'' past. Some Mayan languages even lack tense altogether, instead opting opt to simply using imperfective and perfective aspect for telling stories[[note]]this is not as complicated as you might think; compare "I stopped when he said" vs. "I was stopping when he said"[[/note]].



Generally, the further in the past your tense is, the more aspects it will distinguish, at least grammatically. Standard American and British English does not distinguish the present habitual from the past habitual--you can't say "I use to run" or "I will use to run"[[note]]the African American Vernacular English (AAVE) "he be working" is a present habitual[[/note]]--but it does distinguish future perfective and progressive.



The ''subjunctive'' revolves around what ''could'' or ''might'' be--hypothetical or uncertain actions. This is the most common irrealis mood by far, and sees high usage in Indo-European languages. In English this often is used in "that" clauses (e.g. "He wants that I stop") or set phrases (e.g. "If I were you"), but sees more use in Romance languages, Germanic languages, and more. It often is used to replace an infinitive[[note]]often the dictionary form of a verb if it has it; "to X" in English[[/note]] if it does not agree with the original subject, but in languages such as Arabic and Modern Greek it replaces the infinitive altogether.

to:

The ''subjunctive'' revolves around what ''could'' or ''might'' be--hypothetical or uncertain actions. This is the most common irrealis mood by far, and sees high usage in Indo-European languages. In English this often is used in "that" clauses (e.g. "He wants that I stop") or set phrases (e.g. "If I were you"), but sees more use in Romance languages, Germanic languages, Iranic languages, and more. It often is used to replace an infinitive[[note]]often the dictionary form of a verb if it has it; "to X" in English[[/note]] if it does not agree with the original subject, but in languages such as Arabic and Modern Greek it replaces the infinitive altogether.
altogether.

''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives'' revolve around what ''should'' be. Imperatives in English use the bare form of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should''--or a past subjunctive. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives.



''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives'' revolve around what ''should'' be. Imperatives in English use the bare form of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should'' verbs as well. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives. In Spanish "Viva la revolución," the subjunctive form of "vivir" is used to reflect a hope on part of the speaker; where it might mean "The revolution may live," the proper sense may be "Long live the revolution!"

to:

''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', In many languages, the irrealis moods often are conjugated in one or two categories, most often subjunctive and ''optatives'' revolve around what ''should'' be. Imperatives in English use imperative; the bare form jussive and optative often may manifest as usages of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should'' verbs as well. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives. subjunctive, for instance, if they aren't there to begin with. In Spanish "Viva la revolución," the subjunctive form of "vivir" is used to reflect a hope on part of in an optative sense: it literally means "May the speaker; where it might mean "The revolution may live," the proper sense may be or more idiomatically "Long live the revolution!"
revolution." In addition, irrealis moods often take fewer tenses than the realis moods. Portuguese, for instance, distinguishes five tenses in the present and three in the subjunctive.

[[AC:Non-finite Forms]]
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verb agreement


Verbs are the soul of grammar. Not only are they the action words of a sentence, but they tend to show the time (''tense''), manner (''aspect''), attitude (''mood''), and evidence (''evidentiality'') where it happened.

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Verbs are the soul of grammar. Not only are they the action words of a sentence, but they tend to show the time (''tense''), manner (''aspect''), attitude (''mood''), and evidence (''evidentiality'') where it happened.
happened. Depending on the language, a verb may be inflected to agree with the subject or with both the subject and the direct object, or it may not be inflected to agree with either.
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expanded on writing systems

Added DiffLines:

* Are writing materials expensive, or were they historically expensive? The cost of writing materials in medieval Europe led to extensive use of abbreviations, including replacing certain letters in certain positions with diacritical marks applied to the preceding letters. The introduction of inexpensive writing materials has not completely undone such changes.

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Agglutinative languages inflect and derive words with affixes that each carry their own independent meaning. Turkish, Korean, and Quechua add information to their words by adding affixes for number, case, and more. For example, Turkish "evlerime" means "to my houses", with the plural suffix -ler, the possessive suffix -im, and the dative suffix -e. Agglutinative languages are generally regular with few exceptions.

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Agglutinative languages inflect and derive words with affixes that each carry their own independent meaning. Turkish, Korean, and Quechua Quechua, for instance, add information to their words by adding affixes for number, case, and more. For example, Turkish "evlerime" means "to my houses", with the plural suffix -ler, the possessive suffix -im, and the dative suffix -e. Agglutinative languages are generally regular with few exceptions.



Other languages have a more complex system of cases. For example, German distinguishes between accusative for direct objects and ''dative'' for indirect. Latin also distinguishes the ''ablative'' to show source or state and ''vocative'' to show address in five separate patterns. Dravidian languages like Malayalam and Tamil add a ''locative'' to show location, ''instrumental'' to show means, and ''comitative''[[note]]called ''sociative'' in Dravidian tradition[[/note]] to show accompaniment or association.

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Other languages have a more complex system of cases. For example, German distinguishes between accusative for direct objects and ''dative'' for indirect. Latin also distinguishes the ''ablative'' to show source or state and ''vocative'' to show address in five separate patterns. Dravidian languages like Malayalam and Tamil add state, a deprecated ''locative'' to show location, and a ''vocative'' to show address, in five separate patterns. Russian uses the ''prepositional'' case for the object of a preposition and the ''instrumental'' to show means, for means and passive agent. Dravidian languages like Malayalam and Tamil add the ''comitative''[[note]]called ''sociative'' in Dravidian tradition[[/note]] to show accompaniment or association.



* 3rd person: He, she, it or they

Pronouns are far more inflectional than their respective nouns. Sometimes, pronouns change for gender where nouns are not marked for it. As in English, a language that lacks grammatical gender, this is often limited to the third person; Arabic, a language with grammatical gender, also distinguishes it in the second. Pronouns usually change for case (''I'' for a subject, ''me'' for an object), even in languages that do not have noun cases, as in most Romance languages. Some languages which lack a dual number for nouns may have them in pronouns, like Hawaiian. Some may distinguish between relatives and strangers in the third person. One of the more common distinctions is whether 'we' includes the addressee or not, like in Malay's ''kami'' (they and I, ''exclusive'') vs. ''kita'' (you and I, ''inclusive''). However, formality is also a rather common part of such systems; think Spanish's ''tú'' vs. ''usted'', where the former is used for familiarity or subordinates, and the latter used for politeness or superiors.

to:

* 3rd person: He, she, it it, or they

They

Pronouns are far more inflectional than their respective nouns. Sometimes, pronouns change for gender where nouns are not marked for it. As in English, a language that lacks grammatical gender, this is often limited to the third person; Arabic, a language with grammatical gender, also distinguishes it in the second. Pronouns usually change for case (''I'' for a subject, ''me'' for an object), even in languages that do not have noun cases. For example, Spanish, which lacks cases, as in most Romance languages. Some languages which lack a dual number for nouns may have them in pronouns, like Hawaiian. distinguishes up to six forms of each pronoun: the nominative (e.g. yo, él), prepositional (mí, él/sí), accusative (me, lo), dative (me, le), genitive (mío/a, suyo/a), and comitative (conmigo, consigo).

Some may distinguish between relatives and strangers in the third person.person, which is called ''obviation''. One of the more common distinctions is whether 'we' includes the addressee or not, like in Malay's ''kami'' (they and I, ''exclusive'') vs. ''kita'' (you and I, ''inclusive''). However, formality is also a rather common part of such systems; think Spanish's ''tú'' vs. ''usted'', where the former is used for familiarity or subordinates, and the latter used for politeness or superiors.
superiors--and some dialects even include ''vos'', which is even ''more'' informal than ''tú''.



Demonstratives are words that display where a noun is. In English, "this" and "these" refer to objects near the speaker (proximal), whereas "that" and "those" refer to objects farther away or less relevant (distal). Spanish has a three-way distinction between proximal "este," medial "ese," and distal "aquel." Demonstratives can also be used as determiners: while "this" could stand on its own, it could also modify another word: say, "this dog," or "this article." Hindustani and Turkish use demonstrative pronouns as third-person pronouns.

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Demonstratives are words that display where a noun is. In English, "this" and "these" refer to objects near the speaker (proximal), whereas "that" and "those" refer to objects farther away or less relevant (distal). Spanish has a three-way distinction between proximal "este," "este/a," medial "ese," "ese/a," and distal "aquel."aquel/la." Demonstratives can also be used as determiners: while "this" could stand on its own, it could also modify another word: say, "this dog," or "this article." Hindustani and Turkish use demonstrative pronouns as third-person pronouns.



!!!'''Adjectives, Adverbs, Adpositions, and Articles'''

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[[AC:Articles]]

Articles are words that identify a noun. Words meaning "the" are definite articles, and words for "a"/"an" are indefinite articles--some languages like French have partitive articles for a part of something, and German has negative articles for none of something. Some languages, but not English, change the article depending on the noun being singular/plural, its gender, and (more rarely) its case--think how Spanish has "el, la, los, las," which all mean "the." Most often, these are derived from demonstratives or numbers regardless; English "the" is comparable to "that," and German "ein" (a/n) is comparable to "eins" (one).

Although they are very common words in the languages that have them[[note]]"the" is the most common word in the English language[[/note]], other languages don't use articles. Russian, Chinese, and Japanese are a few examples. And when languages without articles learn ones with them, the distinction may seem arbitrary--what difference really is there between "the thing" and "this/that thing?" Conversely, French requires articles to be used for all nouns unless they are the name of something and has another set of articles for uncountable nouns (i.e. you can't just say "add sugar" in French, you have to say "add some sugar"). The Scandinavian languages have replaced the separate definite articles with suffixes that are added to the nouns.

!!!'''Adjectives, Adverbs, Adpositions, and Articles'''Adpositions'''



Adverbs are words that describe a verb. The rules with these are usually quite simple. The most important thing to note is that most languages have a way to convert adjectives to adverbs. English adds -ly, while French adds -ment, though there are other adverbs that are not formed this way. German, on the other hand, often allows adjectives to also be used as an adverb.

Adpositions are words that describe relation between nouns. These tend to be used more often with languages that do not have extensive case systems. For instance, while Latin had five cases for each noun, prepositions such as "cum," "ad," "ab," and "in" filled semantic roles that could not be filled by the case system. In fact, prepositions could mean different things for different cases: while "ad astra" (accusative) means "to the stars," "ad astrīs" (ablative) means "in the stars." While Hindustani only has two true cases, nominative and oblique, its adpositions function essentially as case markers. "Ne" marks the ergative case, "ko" marks the accusative and dative, "kaa" marks the genitive case, "ke" and "par" mark two different locatives, and so forth.

to:

Adverbs are words that describe anything but a verb.noun. The rules with these are usually quite simple. The most important thing to note is that most languages have a way to convert adjectives to adverbs. English adds -ly, while French adds -ment, though there are other adverbs that are not formed this way. German, on the other hand, often allows adjectives to also be used as an adverb.

Adpositions are words that describe relation between nouns. These tend to be used more often with languages that do not have extensive case systems. For instance, while Latin had five cases for each noun, prepositions such as "cum," "ad," "ab," and "in" filled semantic roles that could not be filled by the case system. In fact, prepositions could mean different things for different cases: while "ad astra" (accusative) means "to the stars," "ad astrīs" (ablative) means "in the stars." While Hindustani only has two true cases, nominative and oblique, its adpositions postpositions function essentially as case markers. "Ne" marks the ergative case, "ko" marks the accusative and dative, "kaa" marks the genitive case, "ke" "ken" and "par" mark two different locatives, and so forth.



Articles are words for "the" and "a"/"an". Words meaning "the" are definite articles, and words for "a"/"an" are indefinite articles. They could arguably be seen as a special type of adjective. As with adjectives, some languages, but not English, change the article depending on the noun being singular/plural, its gender, and (more rarely) its case--think how Spanish has "el, la, los, las," which all mean "the." Most often, these are derived from demonstratives or numbers regardless; English "the" is comparable to "that," and German "ein" (a/n) is comparable to "eins" (one).

Although they are very common words in the languages that have them, ("the" is the most common word in the English language) other languages don't use articles. Russian, Chinese, and Japanese are a few examples. And when languages without articles learn ones with them, the distinction may seem arbitrary--what difference really is there between "the thing" and "this/that thing?" Conversely, French requires articles to be used for all nouns unless they are the name of something and has another set of articles for uncountable nouns (i.e. you can't just say "add sugar" in French, you have to say "add some sugar"). The Scandinavian languages have replaced the separate definite articles with suffixes that are added to the nouns.



A realistic conlang is likely to have some differences with the tenses compared to English. English has two manners of expressing the present, distinguished by ''aspect''; where "I stop" signifies completion, "I am stopping" signifies incompletion. The former is ''perfective'' and the latter is ''imperfective''. English subdivides this aspect further in the past, where you could say "I was stopping" (''progressive'' or ''continuous'') or "I used to stop" (''habitual''). Few languages use progressive tenses in the present as often as English, and many have none at all. German, for instance, completely lacks aspect, while Hindustani distinguishes perfective, continuous, and habitual in the present ''and'' past. Some Mayan languages even lack tense altogether, instead opting to simply using imperfective and perfective aspect for telling stories[[note]]this is not as complicated as one may think; compare "I stopped when he said" vs. "I was stopping when he said"[[/note]].

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A realistic conlang is likely to have some differences with the tenses compared to English. English has two manners of expressing the present, distinguished by ''aspect''; where "I stop" signifies completion, "I am stopping" signifies incompletion. The former is ''perfective'' and the latter is ''imperfective''. English subdivides this aspect further in the past, where you could say "I was stopping" (''progressive'' or ''continuous'') or "I used to stop" (''habitual''). Few languages use progressive tenses in the present as often as English, and many have none at all. German, for instance, completely lacks aspect, while Hindustani distinguishes perfective, continuous, and habitual in the present ''and'' past. Some Mayan languages even lack tense altogether, instead opting to simply using imperfective and perfective aspect for telling stories[[note]]this is not as complicated as one may you might think; compare "I stopped when he said" vs. "I was stopping when he said"[[/note]].



Verbs can often become nouns by using infinitives, gerunds, and supines (''the changing of the guard'') and adjectives using participles (''a stopped clock'', ''a speeding driver'').

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Verbs can often become nouns by using infinitives, gerunds, and supines (''the ("to know me is to love me," ''the changing of the guard'') and adjectives using participles (''a stopped clock'', ''a speeding driver'').
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Most people who have already learned a foreign language will have already met 'gender marking'. Many languages like French and Spanish divide nouns into 'masculine' and 'feminine' categories, even if they are inanimate objects. Others like German, Russian and Latin add 'neuter' as a third gender. And others like Swedish and Dutch have genders that are not based around masculine and feminine. Some have 'animate' or 'inanimate' genders, and Bantu languages like Swahili have up to ''18'' genders.

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Most people who have already learned a foreign language will have already met 'gender marking'. Many languages like French and Spanish divide nouns into 'masculine' and 'feminine' categories, even if they are inanimate objects. Others like German, Russian and Latin add 'neuter' as a third gender. And others like Swedish and Dutch have genders that are not based around masculine and feminine. Some have 'animate' or 'inanimate' genders, and Bantu languages like Swahili have up to ''18'' genders.
genders[[note]]though about half of these are plurals, hence why they are called noun "classes" instead[[/note]].



Some languages have inflections for nouns based on their role in a sentence, called ''cases''. A simple example is Esperanto, which states that if a noun is the direct object of a sentence, the suffix '-n' is added. This is called the accusative case, and the bare form is called the nominative. Another example is how English inflects nouns to show possession with '-'s.' This possessive form is formally called the genitive case.

These basic cases also have opposites: in Basque, for instance, the subject and direct object are marked as the ''absolutive'' case, and the agent of a transitive verb is marked separately as the ''ergative''. In Persian, the final noun in a phrase takes a suffix ''-(y)e'' to be marked in the ''construct state'' before a possessor's noun[[note]]although this could be analyzed as a conjunction or simply as the word "of"[[/spoiler]].

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Some languages have inflections for nouns based on their role in a sentence, called ''cases''. A simple example is Esperanto, which states that if a noun is the direct object of a sentence, the suffix '-n' is added. This is called the accusative case, and the bare bare, uninflected form is called the nominative. Another example is how English inflects nouns to show possession with '-'s.' This possessive form is formally called the genitive case.

These basic cases also have opposites: in Basque, for instance, the subject and direct object are marked as the ''absolutive'' case, and the agent of a transitive verb is marked separately as the ''ergative''. In Persian, the final noun in a phrase takes a suffix ''-(y)e'' to be marked in the ''construct state'' before a possessor's noun[[note]]although this could be analyzed as a conjunction or simply as the word "of"[[/spoiler]].
"of"[[/note]].



Articles are words for "the" and "a"/"an". Words meaning "the" are definite articles, and words for "a"/"an" are indefinite articles. They could arguably be seen as a special type of adjective. As with adjectives, some languages, but not English, change the article depending on the noun being singular/plural, its gender, and (more rarely) its case. Most often, these are derived from demonstratives or numbers regardless; English "the" is comparable to "that," and German "ein" (a/n) is comparable to "eins" (one).

to:

Articles are words for "the" and "a"/"an". Words meaning "the" are definite articles, and words for "a"/"an" are indefinite articles. They could arguably be seen as a special type of adjective. As with adjectives, some languages, but not English, change the article depending on the noun being singular/plural, its gender, and (more rarely) its case. case--think how Spanish has "el, la, los, las," which all mean "the." Most often, these are derived from demonstratives or numbers regardless; English "the" is comparable to "that," and German "ein" (a/n) is comparable to "eins" (one).



''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives'' revolve around what ''should'' be. Imperatives in English use the bare form of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should'' verbs as well. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives. In Spanish "Viva la revolución," the subjunctive form of "vivir" is used to reflect a hope on part of the speaker; where it might mean "The revolution may live," the proper sense may be "May the revolution live!"

Verbs can often become nouns (''the changing of the guard'', ''walkers'') and adjectives (''a stopped clock'', ''a speeding driver'').

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''Imperatives'', ''jussives'', and ''optatives'' revolve around what ''should'' be. Imperatives in English use the bare form of the verb; "Stop!" Jussives essentially function as first- and third-person imperatives, in a sense of "he should stop" or "I should stop," but languages like Arabic use them as generic ''should'' verbs as well. Optatives reflect wishes or hopes (e.g. "May you stop"), but can overlap somewhat with subjunctives. In Spanish "Viva la revolución," the subjunctive form of "vivir" is used to reflect a hope on part of the speaker; where it might mean "The revolution may live," the proper sense may be "May "Long live the revolution live!"

revolution!"

Verbs can often become nouns by using infinitives, gerunds, and supines (''the changing of the guard'', ''walkers'') guard'') and adjectives using participles (''a stopped clock'', ''a speeding driver'').
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So you've decided to create a conlang, whether to add some depth to your own setting, because you were paid to do so for someone else (lucky!), or maybe just for funsies. You love to read ''Literature/TheLordOfTheRings'' and watch stuff like ''Franchise/StarTrek'', ''Series/{{Defiance}}'', ''Series/GameOfThrones'', and ''Film/ThorTheDarkWorld'', so you've decided to craft your own language.

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So you've decided to create a conlang, {{conlang}}, whether to add some depth to your own setting, because you were paid to do so for someone else (lucky!), or maybe just for funsies. You love to read ''Literature/TheLordOfTheRings'' and watch stuff like ''Franchise/StarTrek'', ''Series/{{Defiance}}'', ''Series/GameOfThrones'', and ''Film/ThorTheDarkWorld'', so you've decided to craft your own language.
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* VSO ([[https://wiki.dothraki.org/Syntax#Topicality.2C_Emphasis_and_the_Old_Word_Order Old]] [[Series/GameOfThrones Dothraki]])

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* VSO ([[https://wiki.(Filipino, [[https://wiki.dothraki.org/Syntax#Topicality.2C_Emphasis_and_the_Old_Word_Order Old]] [[Series/GameOfThrones Dothraki]])



One can also have no dominant word order. Latin, especially Latin poetry, allows this to happen; the noun's case endings make it clear which is which[[note]]looking at you, Cicero, beginning your very long sentence with the direct object[[/note]].

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One A language can also have no dominant word order. Latin, especially Latin poetry, allows this to happen; the noun's case endings make it clear which is which[[note]]looking at you, Cicero, beginning your very long sentence with the direct object[[/note]].

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